"A Troublesome Presence"
Racial policy-making in a
by James P. Lubinskas
he presence of different races in the United States is an abiding problem
that decades of egalitarian liberalism have not solved. Today, every public
policy about race is carried out within the rigid confines of integrationist
thinking, and despite the obvious drawbacks of multiracialism, public discussion
never hints at an alternative. Of course, it was not always so. From the
early years of the republic, America's wisest men understood the dangers
of a mixed-race society and worked to avoid them. Unlike today's political
class, they were not bound by convention. They saw a clear alternative
to never-ending crises and accommodations. That alternative was permanent
One of the earliest and most serious solutions proposed to "the Negro
problem" was colonization, or the removal of blacks beyond the boundaries
of the United States. By the early 1800's, slave revolts, the abolitionist
movement, and the increasing number of free blacks convinced many great
Americans that steps must be taken to keep the United States a white nation.
The American Colonization Society (ACS) was the most respectable, successful
and long-lasting effort to remove blacks from the United States.
Rev. Robert Finley, a Presbyterian minister from New Jersey, the official
title of the organization was "The American Society for Colonizing the
Free People of Color in the United States." The initial meeting of the
ACS was held in Washington D.C. in 1816 – thus, just 40 years after the
founding, thoughtful Americans first took serious measures to separate
the races. Bushrod Washington, a Supreme Court Justice and nephew of George
Washington, served as the first president of the organization. The great
American statesman Henry Clay of Kentucky provided its main intellectual
and political leadership.
The prestige of the ACS benefited tremendously from the high-profile
association of leaders like Clay and Washington, and over the years, some
of America's greatest men were not merely members but officers of the society:
James Madison, Andrew Jackson, Daniel Webster, James Monroe, Stephen Douglas,
John Randolph, William Seward, Francis Scott Key, General Winfield Scott,
John Marshall and Roger Taney. Other great men such as Thomas Jefferson
and Abraham Lincoln, while never members of the society, strongly supported
colonization and the removal of blacks from the United States. None of
these men had any illusions about the desirability of a multiracial America.
Over the next forty years, the ACS would work very hard to remove what
Lincoln called "a troublesome presence."
One of the earliest
and most serious solutions proposed to "the Negro problem" was colonization.
Part of the movement's attractiveness lay in its idealistic, purely
patriotic nature – colonization was not imperialism but a program for national
uplift and improvement. As the Liberian-born professor of history Amos
Beyan writes in The American Colonization Society and the Creation of
the Liberian State, "the ACS was not intended to be an imperial or
economic venture. One searches the African Repository [the society's
newspaper] and the annual reports of the ACS in vain for references in
support of colonization which make economic gain or national greatness
for the U.S. their theme. These were obviously not substantial interests
of the founders."
Though the members of the ACS included northerners, southerners, abolitionists,
and slave owners, all agreed with the goal of assisting the voluntary resettlement
of free blacks. There was never any question of compelling backs to emigrate,
but members of the society were frank – very frank – about why they did
not want them in America.
Speaking of the need for colonization, Clay asked, "What is the true
nature of the evil of the existence of a portion of the African race in
our population? It is not that there are some but that there are so many
. . . who can never amalgamate with the great body of our population."
He went on the explain that colonization was the best solution to "the
Negro problem" as it would, "rid our country of a useless and pernicious,
if not dangerous portion of it's population."
An official document of the ACS says: "Introduced among us by violence,
notoriously ignorant, degraded and miserable, mentally diseased, broken
spirited, acted upon by no motive to honorable exertions, scarcely reached
in their debasement by the heavenly light, [the freed blacks] wander unsettled
and unbefriended through our land, or sit indolent, abject and sorrowful
by the streams which witness their captivity."
Hinton Helper, an abolitionist member of the ACS who condemned slavery,
held very strong views about colonization. Helper described blacks as "so
far inferior to white people, that . . . the two races should never inhabit
the same community, city nor state." He claimed blacks were, "a weak and
worthless race, an effete and time worn race which . . . is no longer fit,
if ever fit, for any useful trust or tenantry in this world."
Ralph Gurley, who served as secretary of the ACS, and was later the
first editor of its official journal, claimed blacks were, "a people which
are injurious and dangerous to our social interests, as they are ignorant,
vicious and unhappy."
Though officially the society took no position on slavery, many members
favored emancipation – so long as it led to repatriation. Francis Scott
Key did not think most blacks benefited from emancipation. He freed many
of his own slaves but observed, "I cannot remember more than two instances
out of this large number, in which it did not appear that the freedom I
earnestly sought for them was their ruin. It has been so with a very large
proportion of all others I have known emancipated."
John Dix of New York declared to a meeting of his state chapter of the
ACS that "the mass of crime committed by Africans is greater in proportion
to numbers, in the non slaveholding than in the slaveholding States; and
as a rule the degree of comfort enjoyed by them is inferior. This is not
an argument in favor of slavery; but it is an unanswerable argument in
favor of rendering emancipation and colonization coextensive with each
A Promising Start
To reach its goal, the ACS needed money and support, and at first the
funds came mainly from private sources. There were numerous state chapters
and many churches took up collections for the society. In fact, churches
were a vital part of the group from its inception until its demise in 1912,
since a secondary goal of the ACS was to spread Christianity to Africa.
Though it did not want free blacks in the United States, it hoped that
"westernized" blacks would encourage "the spreading of the arts of civilized
life, and the possible redemption from ignorance and barbarism of a benighted
part of the globe."
For three years the society lobbied Congress for financial support.
In 1817 Bushrod Washington first asked Congress for legislation to support
creation of an African colony. When that request failed, the ACS sent a
two-man expedition to Africa to gather and present more solidly researched
data on the proposal. After a number of unsuccessful attempts, the ACS
purchased land from local tribes, and in 1820 the society finally got the
support it was seeking. Congress passed and President James Monroe approved
a grant for $100,000 to set up a colony for free blacks. The colony was
named Liberia meaning "free land," and the first settlement was named Monrovia
in appreciation of the support of President Monroe. It is the capitol of
Liberia to this day.
It is worth noting that in the American republic before the days of
Lincoln, federal officials took the Constitutional limits placed on their
authority very seriously and thus played a very limited role in running
the country. It is therefore of great significance that Congress saw fit
to help remove blacks from the United States. It not only reflected a wide-spread
national desire, but was an important step in federal involvement in matters
traditionally left up to the states.
The ACS repatriated
its first blacks in 1820. Eighty-six free blacks, along with two officials
of the society, set sail from New York to Liberia aboard the ship Elizabeth.Over
the next ten years, the ACS raised $113,000 and resettled 1,430 blacks.
It was constantly trying to raise money for what was intended to be a national
movement. As a 1972 article in American Heritage puts it:
"For more than 40 years, the society got along with varying
degrees of the sort of limited federal support that had helped found Liberia.
This backing was augmented by contributions from individuals and occasionally
from state legislatures. Agents of the society toured the country, spreading
information about colonization, raising money and starting state and local
In 1825, the ACS started a monthly paper called African Repository and Colonial
Journal. This helped spread the message and – later – helped
defend the society against attacks from both abolitionists and
slaveholders. Little by little, Liberia grew. By the start of
the Civil War, after more than 40 years of colonization, the
ACS had resettled more that 11,000 free blacks. It was only
through the society's support and under white leadership that
the colony was able to survive malaria, wars with neighboring
tribes, and the unreliability of supply shipments. Throughout
this period, the ACS never gave up hope that the federal government
would eventually commit itself to resettlement on a large scale.
Though the society remained officially neutral on the subject of slavery,
many slaveholders distrusted its motives. While some were members of the
ACS and were eager to be rid of free blacks who might encourage insurrection,
others held a lingering suspicion that in its desire to rid the nation
of Africans, the society would eventually take away their slaves. Indeed,
some of the rhetoric of Henry Clay, who was always closely associated with
the colonization movement, gave them cause for concern.
Clay spoke, for example, of reducing the number of blacks (free and
slave) to five percent of the population through colonization and white
immigration. And in a speech to Congress in 1850 opposing the extension
of slavery to the West he said, "while you reproach, and justly so, our
British ancestors for the introduction of this institution on the continent
of America, I am, for one, unwilling that the posterity of the present
inhabitants of California and New Mexico shall reproach us for doing the
same thing which we reproach Great Britain for doing to us." Some slaveholders
saw such anti-slavery rhetoric as uncomfortably close to abolitionism.
In fact, the most serious opposition to the ACS came from abolitionists,
particularly William Lloyd Garrison. Though Garrison initially supported
colonization, he grew increasingly alarmed by attacks on the character
of blacks, and came to believe racial inequality was inconsistent with
both Christianity and the Declaration of Independence. At a more practical
level, he also thought colonization was bad for the abolitionist cause
because it was often the most ambitious, responsible freemen who accepted
repatriation, leaving behind less advanced Negroes who gave emancipation
a bad name. Garrison drew up his arguments against the ACS in a 244-page
book called Thoughts on African Colonization. His views – far beyond
the bounds of common discourse for his time – were astonishingly similar
to sentiments that are now virtually obligatory.
Garrison was a driven
man, irresponsible with the truth, and even spent time in jail for slander.
He was, in fact, a nut.
First of all, he wrote that insofar as the society wanted to repatriate
blacks, it was "unfriendly to the improvement of the free people of color
while they remain in the United States" and promoted "hate and contempt
for the Negro." But unlike the overwhelming majority of whites, Garrison
was – at least in theory – one of the first of the multiracialists who
hoped to make blacks fully equal members of American society:
"As neither mountains of prejudice nor the massy shackles of
law and of public opinion, have been able to keep them down to a level
with slaves, I confidently anticipate their exaltation among ourselves.
Through the vista of time – a short distance only – I see them here, not
in Africa, not bowed to the earth, or derided and persecuted as at present,
not with a downcast air or an irresolute step, but standing erect as men
destined heavenward, unembarrassed, untrammeled, with none to molest or
make then afraid."
We get a glimpse of the peculiar sources of this desire in another passage.
In a sentiment eerily prescient of the racial self-flagellation
that had become common among whites more than 100 years later,
he wrote that blacks were the ordained tool by which God would
humble the white man:
"[T]hough it [the ACS] has done much, and may do more (all
that it can do it will do) to depress, impoverish and dispirit the free
people of color, and to strengthen and influence mutual antipathies it
is the purpose of God, I am fully persuaded, to humble the pride of the
American people by rendering the expulsion of our colored countrymen utterly
impracticable and the necessity for their admission to equal rights imperative."
Of course, the ACS did nothing to depress or impoverish blacks; it simply offered
them free passage to the continent of their ancestors. But Garrison
was a driven man, irresponsible with the truth, and even spent
time in jail for slander. He was, in fact, a nut. His hatred
of slavery was so great that in 1844, under the principle of
"No Union With Slaveholders," he actually urged the North to
secede from the slaveholding South! Ten years later he publicly
burned a copy of the Constitution, which he termed an, "agreement
with hell," and held a secessionist convention in Worcester,
Massachusetts – which went nowhere.
This sort of thing was too wild even for abolitionists, many of whom,
like Frederick Douglass, separated themselves from Garrison. Nevertheless,
his newspaper The Liberator influenced a great many people, and
its incessant attacks on the ACS cost the support of many "humanitarians"
who had originally supported colonization. Indeed, the period of Garrison's
greatest influence coincides with the period of the colonization society's
In addition to a chronic shortage of funds, the society faced another
considerable obstacle: resettlement of blacks was voluntary. Mandatory
expulsion would have veered too far from the ACS's spirit of Christianity
and philanthropy. It is interesting to note that even while slavery was
still legal, few blacks wanted to go to Liberia. At a meeting convened
in Philadelphia in 1817, free blacks publicly declared their opposition
to resettlement. It was better to stay in "racist" America than return
to the land of their ancestors.
The War Between the States essentially brought colonization to a close.
The sectional quarrel split the society and some state chapters started
independent repatriation efforts as the organization continued to have
problems with funding. Although post-war emancipation supplied the society
with a huge supply of free, potential emigrants, the trauma of war had
disrupted its operations.
Though never a member of the society, Lincoln was a strong proponent
of colonization, and during the war had appointed a minister to investigate
sites in Central and South America that would be nearby, inexpensive destinations
for colonization. As the war drew to an end he became increasingly worried
about the problem of what to do with freed blacks, and even considered
setting aside Texas for forcible resettlement. Had he not been assassinated,
there is little doubt that he would have worked energetically for a separatist
solution to the Negro problem.
Although the ACS survived the war, the days of colonization were
over. The society continued its work until 1912, though by then this consisted
mostly of support for Liberia, which had declared independence in 1847.
The society acted as caretaker for the fledgling nation and encouraged
missionary work among the natives. In 1959 it received what is described
as a "small legacy," but by then the organization was defunct.
Ultimately the American Colonization Society failed to free the United
States from "a troublesome presence." William Lloyd Garrison got his wish
for a multiracial America. The men of the ACS had warned against trying
to make a nation out of two incompatible and hostile groups and predicted
that blacks would be a terrible burden on white America. Of course, they
were right. Had he been able to see the future, perhaps even a fanatic
like Garrison would have remained a supporter of colonization.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
Under Black Rule
Prospects for the future
there may yet be surprises.
by Gedhalia Braun
In the previous issue, Mr. Braun described how South Africa – particularly
those areas that had previously been all-white – has changed under majority
rule. He concludes with an assessment of how South Africans feel about
the current regime.
ne of the few relatively bright spots in South Africa is the white-run
press. It has retained most of the independence and freedom it enjoyed
under apartheid. When I first arrived here I was surprised to find the
press full of indignation directed against the white government. "This
is oppression?" I thought to myself.
The most prominent critic of the old regime was probably The Weekly
Mail. Left wing and very ideological, it left no stone unturned in
attacking apartheid and white rule. Now that it has achieved its aim, it
doesn't much like what it got but, to its credit, has been uncovering corruption
on a stupendous scale. Such publications must be having some kind of restraining
effect on the government, though only time will tell how long they will
be tolerated. Interestingly – and as an indication of the status whites
have retained – black journalists who report on corruption are severely
rebuked by the authorities, who accuse them of being whites' lackeys, etc.
A second bright spot, also a holdover from the previous regime, is the
mostly still-white judiciary, which retains an independence that is virtually
unheard of in black Africa. Gradual replacement by more compliant black
judges – who won't understand that a court can go against the government
– will eventually end this check on government power.
Africa is full of
countries where the people starve and the leaders drive Mercedes.
Perhaps the single most important constraint on the ANC government so
far has been the influence of international corporations. Nelson Mandela
has been told, in no uncertain terms, that if he wants foreign investment
he had better forget about nationalization, keep government spending down,
control labor unions' wage demands etc., all of which are contrary to the
ANC's natural tendencies, which are to see government as an infinite trough
from which all can feed. The government is the natural ideological ally
of the socialist- and communist-led Confederation of South African Trade
Unions (Cosatu). Cosatu has already pressured it into accepting a labor
bill highly favorable to workers and unfavorable to employers, as well
as affirmative action laws that virtually force businesses to increase
black employment at all levels.
In this ideological tug-of-war between labor interests and overseas
investors, there seems little doubt that the wrong side will eventually
win, though this probably spells doom for the South African economy. Should
that not influence President Mandela and his chosen successor, Thabo Mbeki?
Unfortunately, it will not. The country and its black majority may become
dirt poor, but high-ranking government officials are unlikely to suffer.
Africa is full of countries where the people starve and the leaders drive
There is unquestionably great uneasiness among whites. Many are leaving
and many more are thinking of leaving. Accurate figures are difficult to
come by because many migrs simply go on a "visit" and never return, but
the number who would leave if they could must be considerable, especially
among those with school-age children. Black rule plus draconian affirmative
action makes many whites feel there is no future for them.
At the same time, there is no doubt that whites will continue to dominate
the economy for the foreseeable future. The case of Zimbabwe is instructive:
In spite of a much smaller white population and a militant black government
constantly threatening white interests, there is a never-ending chorus
of complaints to do something about "white control" of the economy, 18
years after "independence"!
One also hears more and more about black disaffection. I know a young
"street-wise" black woman who always seems to know the "township scuttlebutt."
Around the time of the 1994 elections, she was spouting the usual rhetoric:
Whites had stolen their country and now they were going to get it back.
Four short years later, with none of the grandiose promises fulfilled,
her tune has changed: "Oh, it's these foreigners who are causing all the
problems!" Who are these foreigners? Black immigrants from neighboring
countries. They are the cause of all the crime, are taking all the jobs
away from South African blacks. And so on. The solution? "When the [white]
National Party comes back into power they will throw all these foreigners
My own view is that South Africa will gradually sink towards the level
of the rest of the continent, though it is unlikely to reach the same depths,
given a continuing white presence. Black disaffection with black rule is
to be expected as is the case throughout black Africa.
But South Africa, due to liberal ideological influence, is a bit like
America, where blacks systematically vote for blacks no matter what. South
Africa stuck to this mold when it elected an ANC government in 1994 by
a nearly two-thirds majority. I once thought that disappointment with black
rule might lead to a black backlash by the 1999 national elections, but
I have been largely disabused of that idea. If blacks had the sense to
vote against the current government they would not have elected it in the
Nevertheless, as I say, I hear repeated stories about blacks lamenting
present conditions. A Romanian woman who supervises 60 black workers says
that all she hears is how bad the government is, how much better the white
government was, etc. So one cannot completely rule out increasing numbers
of blacks voting for whites, in spite of the numerous factors militating
against this. After all, the colored (mixed race) majority in Western Cape
Province has twice elected a white provincial government, which is an example
of nonwhites voting for whites.
One thing that counts against this exercise in common sense is black
superstitiousness – they readily believe that others can "see" who they
are voting for inside the booth – which makes them easy to intimidate.
My "scuttlebutt" informant recently confirmed, unprompted and with eyewitness
testimony, what I had heard during the 1994 elections: that blacks were
constantly threatened that if they didn't vote ANC their houses would be
burned down, etc., implying that "someone" would know – by magic – how
they voted. Add to this the typical black awe of authority and you get
The almost limitless credulity of blacks means that many will be suckered
into believing that a black government will make them rich – that they
will own the houses, factories and farms of their employers. This is associated
with the common black failure to understand the nature of wealth creation:
To them it is just sitting there waiting to be taken, not something that
requires sacrifice, hard work, discipline and foresight. All of this explains
why blacks vote for blacks.
Yet in the
past four years they have seen that dreams of sudden wealth were chimeras.
More important, the vast majority don't understand how an election works.
It would therefore not be surprising if, with the awareness that miracles
did not occur the last time, masses of blacks simply lose all interest
in the electoral process and do not vote at all, thus proportionately increasing
the power of the white electorate.
The 1994 election was widely hailed as a "miracle" simply because it
took place, though views differed as to just what was miraculous about
it. Outside the country, self-righteous commentators seemed to think natural
laws must have been suspeneded in order for the wicked white regime to
hand over power to blacks – but this process had been set in motion years
before, and would have been nearly impossible to turn back. Within South
Africa, the "miracle" was that there had not been riots or even full-scale
civil war between Zulus and the largely-Xhosa ANC. But blacks had no reason
to riot; they were getting everything they wanted. In any case, the election
was covered by nearly every media organization in the world, and even unsophisticated
blacks had some notion that something important was going on. For the 1999
elections, there will be nothing like the media hype there was for the
last one, and this too should reduce the black turnout, giving whites more
On the other hand, white political parties cannot campaign in the townships.
All attempts so far to hold public rallies have been disrupted. I suspect
the reason for this is that the ANC elite at some level shares my view
that if ordinary South African blacks are left to their own devices – and
to the extent that they are free from Western ideological influence (as
I believe many are) – a large number would indeed vote for whites. One
way to prevent this is not to let white politicians anywhere near them.
A similar fear most likely explains why President Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya
prevented the registration of the Sarafina party, headed by the formidable
figure of Richard Leakey (of the famous family of anthropologists), who
otherwise might have won an embarrassingly large number of votes.
South Africa has sophisticated opinion polling techniques. If the ANC
were going to lose an election it would be known in advance. What would
a black government do? Not a single person I've asked, black or white,
has ever differed in his answer: The ANC would cancel the election and
declare some kind of one-party/military government. In that case, South
Africa's decline could be sudden rather than gradual.
I have independent confirmation of my view that when blacks are not
encumbered by Western liberal-egalitarian dogma they are happy to vote
for whites. Blacks are a large majority of the Brazilian state of Bahia,
but they consistently elect white governments. Therefore, I would not totally
rule out blacks here doing the same if they had the chance. Whether the
ideological brainwashing – which is by no means as widespread in South
Africa as in the U.S. – can be overcome is an open question, but it seems
to me that the "loyalty" on which ANC rule is based is a house of cards.
Given the extremely volatile and unstable African temperament, the possible
outcomes are not nearly as predictable as many are likely to assume.
South Africa should, of course, be a lesson for America. Both countries
are making the same mistake, which is to assume that there is no such thing
as racial differences. It is this mistaken assumption that prevents recognition
of the fundamental paradox of black-white relations. Blacks want to live
in white neighborhoods, go to white schools and hospitals because they
are white. Yet these objects of their desire will remain desirable
and superior only as long as they remain white. A few blacks can live in
a white neighborhood or go to a black school without seriously affecting
it, but as soon as their numbers approach predominance, the very things
that made the blacks want to go there cease to exist and blacks find themselves
in the very situation they sought to flee: black slums, broken-down black
schools, hell-hole hospitals, etc.
Blacks can enter into these white structures only if their numbers are
controlled; but that is impossible so long as everyone assumes that the
very idea of fundamental racial differences is somehow shameful and morally
abhorrent. To bring about any real racial progress this assumption must
be irrefutably – and, most of all, publicly – shown to be the profound
and pernicious fallacy that it is.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
Closed Minds are
an Open Book
Good data, wrong conclusion.
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
his book's premise is all in the subtitle: Hispanic immigration is transforming
the United States. But unlike the countless books and articles that would
have us celebrate transformation, Strangers Among Us sounds the
alarm. Hispanic immigration is causing big problems and they are
Strangers Among Us: How Latino
Immigration is Transforming America
Alfred A. Knopf
1998, 349 pp.
"[T]he outcome [of how we handle these new immigrants] will
determine whether the nation's cities work or whether they burn."
"Latino immigration could become a powerful demographic engine of social
fragmentation, discord, and even violence."
Because of the surging number of Hispanics, "the size of America's underclass
will quickly double and in the course of a generation it will double again."
"The choice [of making immigration a success] is still possible, but
the opportunity is rapidly disappearing."
So, do we have here another Peter Brimelow-style argument for restriction?
Well, no. Roberto Suro, a half Puerto Rican-half Ecuadorean reporter for
the Washington Post says that the crisis is proof we are neglecting
the millions of Hispanics now pouring into the United States. It is to
spur us to ever-greater acts of liberalism that he describes the failures
of Hispanic immigration and the dangers that loom ahead.
This is a risky
game for a liberal to play. The very picture of Hispanic failure Mr. Suro
paints in the name of better schools, more jobs, more effective assimilation,
etc. is the very one a restrictionist would use to argue that Third World
immigration should stop right now. This book, therefore, is built around
a gaping logical flaw. It is a readable, honestly-drawn, sometimes agonized
portrait of the major Hispanic immigrant groups in the United States, but
not once does it consider the most obvious solution to the problem of Hispanic
immigration: end it. It is like discovering that the house has a leaky
roof, and then devising ingenious and complicated ways to channel the water
around the furniture and away from the clothes closets. Why not just fix
Mr. Suro, like so many others, seems to think that Hispanic immigration
is an unstoppable force of nature like an earthquake or hurricane. We can
prepare for it and try to deal with its consequences but there is no hope
of stopping it. Indeed, the last words of the book's first chapter, in
which Mr. Suro introduces the problem, are "they will keep coming."
Portaits of People
Most of the book is a report of what Mr. Suro has found while roaming,
notebook in hand, among his fellow Hispanics. But he has also done some
research, and keeps dropping interesting little facts into the narrative:
During one 15-year period, half of the entire population of the town of
San Cristobal, Guatemala, moved to Houston. The fertility of Hispanics
is three times that of other groups, and Hispanic mothers have even
less education than blacks. The average California household headed by
a native pays $1,178 per year in state and local taxes to pay for services
for immigrants, legal and illegal. Three quarters of immigrants from Mexico
never made it through high school.
Mr. Suro is a good reporter and his portraits are vivid. The only trouble
is that what he shows is not what most people want for America.
What most disappoints Mr. Suro is the downward mobility of so
many Hispanics. Other immigrants start out the with a substantial income
gap compared to natives, which they narrow over time. Not Hispanics. Their
The first generation often has a stolid, peasant work ethic and is grateful
to trade the hard scrabble life south of the border for a minimum-wage
job and a garage converted into an apartment. The children are different:
"With no memory of the rancho [subsistence farm], they have no reason
to be thankful for escaping it. They look at their parents and all they
see is toil and poverty."
Disaffected children go on to assimilate the worst of America – essentially
black behavior. Many, says Mr. Suro, are "racing ahead of their parents
in absorbing American ways but are turning into unemployable delinquents
as a result." He regretfully describes one young U. S. citizen this way:
"He could have remained in Mexico and become a very different person, but
now, like the rest of the night people [who hang around the barrio
doing nothing], he walked a walk and talked a talk that had been largely
plagiarized from the black ghetto."
Central Americans share the same fate. Many of them "learned how to
become gang bangers from their Mexican and Mexican-American neighbors who
had been at it for a long time . . . ." Mr. Suro concludes that "the chances
for downward mobility are greatest for second-generation youths who live
in close proximity to American minorities . . . ."
And so it is that in many Hispanic communities, every succeeding
generation is less likely to graduate from high school or get a
job, and more likely to run drugs, go to jail, have illegitimate
children or go on welfare. Not surprisingly, some parents and grandparents
now regret coming to a country that has turned their sons into thugs and
their daughters into whores. A few, says Mr. Suro, are even going home,
where they will be poor but will have children they can be proud of.
The least successful Hispanic immigrants have been Puerto Ricans, many
of whom have not even managed to rise much above the level of life back
in the Third World. In New York, many live on vacant lots in thrown-together
shacks just like the ones they left behind: "Men with no work sit and play
dominoes and tend little gardens as if they were back on their island and
the whole migration had simply taken them back to where they were fifty
years ago." New York's Puerto Ricans are actually worse off than the city's
blacks. They are more likely to be on welfare, and only 50 percent have
a high school diploma (as opposed to 66 percent for blacks.)
Mr. Suro marvels at how quickly Hispanics degenerated to the point that
during the 1992 Los Angeles riots after the first verdict in the Rodney
King beating case, more Hispanics than blacks were arrested for arson and
looting. "L.A's blacks had taken a journey of centuries – from Africa,
through slavery, out of the rural South, and into urban poverty – to reach
that kind of rage," he writes. "The Latinos who took to the streets had
accumulated enough bitterness to reach critical mass in less than a decade."
As a young man in South Central Los Angeles explained to him, "To most
people here, this is still a foreign place that belongs to someone else."
Anyone who makes
these arguments has either fooled himself or is trying to fool his readers.
Indeed, Hispanic immigration cannot help but keep foreigners foreign.
Most are a different race from the majority. They come in large numbers
and create ghettos. They can easily go home and revive nationalist sentiments.
The Dominicans of New York, says Mr. Suro, are just one more typical group.
They never considered the United States their home, and the 330,000 that
had piled into New York City by 1990 went through "the classic process
of assimilation, but in a downward cycle."
(A study that came out after this book was published puts the current
Dominican population in New York at 500,000. From 1989 to 1996, the Dominican
per capita income dropped 23 percent in inflation-adjusted terms to $6,094,
and the poverty rate rose from 37 to 46 percent. The Dominican Republic
is sending losers to America. The ones who come are half as likely to have
a college education as the ones who stay. Within just two years there could
well be 700,000 Dominicans in New York City.)
Mr. Suro is not even satisfied with the Cubans of Miami. He rightly
describes them as the richest Hispanic enclave in the United States – a
barrio with country clubs – but "it remains a place apart from the
rest of the country." And poverty alone does not explain why Hispanics
are separate: "Rich Latinos remain ambivalent toward America just as much
as poor ones. In fact, wealth may make it even easier to avoid full engagement
with the new land . . . ." Mr. Suro quotes one of the gilded young men
who attend a snooty private school for upper-crust Miami Cubans: "Our parents
had to hassle with Anglo society, be we don't. This is our city."
Mr. Suro notes that Hispanics have not closed ranks with blacks to fight
for "equality," and other redistributive schemes. He finds that Hispanics
don't like blacks, and complain that they are lazy and crime-prone. All
this is disappointing to him but he concedes that the historic experience
of Hispanics is different from that of blacks and thinks this may explain
why there is no rainbow coalition: "The logic and the mechanism of civil
rights law developed as a solution to the plight of African-Americans,
and it was never particularly well suited to Latinos."
Mr. Suro reluctantly acknowledges that race is the great divide. Even
when they are forced to live close to blacks, most Hispanics try to ignore
them. The only real exceptions are the young men – who fight them. They
"call themselves raza and march forward as ethnic Mexicans to do
battle against American blacks." If anything, Hispanics seem even more
likely than blacks to form gangs, and turf battles are small-scale race
So, what is to be done about Hispanic immigration. Though Mr. Suro thinks
white America has not done enough to assimilate new immigrants, he cannot
deny that Hispanics are largely responsible for their persistent status
as outsiders: "[T]his country's Latinos must answer a basic question about
who they want to be." Mr. Suro very much wants them to be Americans and
is pained that they remain so alien. He wants them to learn English, and
he even wants them to oppose illegal immigration – to put respect for American
law over ethnic solidarity.
Mr. Suro admits that he is asking Hispanics to "put the whole question
of group identity in a new light." They must think of themselves as Americans
with a stake in an English-speaking country with Anglo-Saxon institutions.
Then they will oppose illegal immigration and turn their backs on South-of-the-border
kinfolk who keep sneaking into the country.
But is this possible? Mr. Suro concedes that "more than half of the
entire Latino foreign-born population of the United States has had some
direct experience of illegality." He notes that many neighborhoods and
even households are a mix of legals and illegals. How realistic is it to
think Hispanics are going to repudiate their friends, co-workers, or even
family just because they don't happen to have papers?
Moreover, Mr. Suro completely ignores the reconquista element
of Hispanic immigration, the zealots who want to "retake" the Southwest
and drive out whites (see review of Reconquista!, AR, June, 1998).
The last thing these people will do is think of themselves as "Americans."
Therefore, Mr. Suro's "solution" to the problem of Hispanic immigration
– more liberalism and an effort by Hispanics to renounce their ethnicity
– is pure fantasy. Americans are tired of uplift programs that don't work,
and the past 40 years have shown how illusory is the idea of a race-unconscious
America. One might take Mr. Suro more seriously if he added to these recommendations
a call for a halt to further Hispanic immigration. But, no. He looks forward
to more and more. Anyone who suggests that Hispanics are going to
set aside race and foreign loyalties while yet more millions march into
the country has either fooled himself or is trying to fool his readers.
This book, therefore, is an excellent example of the incoherence that
characterizes any social question that touches on race. Mr. Suro could
hardly be more compelling when he describes the failure and degeneracy
that has often followed Hispanic immigration.
After detailing the dead-end lives of so many Puerto Rican immigrants,
he returns to his central theme:
"Like the Puerto Ricans, many of today's Latino newcomers arrive
with little education and not much in the way of technological job skills.
The main difference is one of scale. The Puerto Rican migration was small
enough so that the primary victims of the disaster were the Puerto Ricans
themselves. Today's Latino migration is so much larger and more widespread
that the entire nation will suffer grievously if the Puerto Rican fate
There is one sure way to avoid more suffering: Stop the immigration.
This is so obvious that not even intellectuals and policy-makers can fail
to see it. But until Americans can shake off the mental paralysis that
falsifies every discussion of race and immigration, they will be unable
to take the most basic steps necessary to save their country.
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O Tempora, O Mores!
Progress in Australia
Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party are going from strength to strength.
In elections for the parliament of the Australian state of Queensland,
her party won 23 percent of the vote, took 11 of 89 seats, and helped knock
the ruling Liberals out of a majority. One Nation is also likely to have
a strong showing in national elections, which must be held by May of next
year. The party, which is only 18 months old, has no chance of forming
a government, but it could easily hold the balance of power in the Australian
Senate, which is divided between the Liberal and Labor parties.
After the success in Queensland, Miss Hanson gave details about the immigration
program she proposes. She wants zero net immigration, that is, newcomers
should no more than make up for Australians who leave the country. She
also wants safeguards to preserve the current ethnic balance, which is
overwhelmingly white. She would also change Australia's refugee policy,
which automatically grants permanent residency rights; she would send refugees
home after five years, or as soon as the troubles they were fleeing have
Miss Hanson continues to provoke the sharpest possible criticism. Though
she has promised to expel "racists and extremists" from her party, she
has not retreated from her position that Australia must preserve its unique
people and culture, and should never permit itself to be swamped by Asians.
One Nation Party's extraordinary success in its first electoral test
has impressed many politicians. Miss Hanson says that Labor and Liberal
legislators at both state and federal levels have approached her asking
to join the party. She says she will not admit just any politico who wants
to keep his job, and will not compromise her party's principles. (Nathan
Vass, Australia Must Regain Work Ethic: Hanson, Northern Territory News,
June 21, 1998. Michael Millet, Pauline Hanson: My Right Australia Policy,
Sydney Morning Herald, July 2, 1998.)
Puerto Rico Update
In March, a bill (HR-856) that could make Puerto Rico our 51st state
passed in the House of Representatives by one vote, 209-208. Anti-statehood
lobbying by English First and the Council of Conservative Citizens, among
others, just failed to kill the measure. The bill could come up in the
Senate as early as July.
Jim Boulet of English First notes that the GOP is cozying up to the
pro-statehood lobby again. On June 10th, Republican leaders met with members
of Puerto Rico's House of Delegates to discuss statehood, and on July 1st,
Newt Gingrich gave a speech to the pro-statehood League of United Latin
American Citizens (LULAC) at their convention in Dallas, Texas.
As we did with the House vote, AR will fight the bill. We will give
a copy of the March AR article opposing statehood to every Senator. English
First has started a postcard campaign against the bill, details of which
are available at www.englishfirst.org or by writing to English First, 8001
Forbes Place, Suite 102, Springfield, VA 22151.
Meanwhile, Puerto Rico is having a temper tantrum about its future status.
Telephone workers have gone on strike and destroyed more than $2 million
in company equipment in an attempt to stop the government from selling
the state telephone company to the American company GTE. Hundreds of thousands
of customers are without service. Puerto Rico's governor Pedro Rossello,
who approved the sale, favors statehood while labor leaders want independence.
The strikers say he is "selling the national patrimony" as part of a plan
to promote statehood. On placards and leaflets strikers replace the double
S in Mr. Rossello's name with a swastika.
Over the Independence Day weekend, public sector trade unions were preparing
to join in what would be a two-day general strike, beginning July 7. They
claimed they would cut off water, electricity, and telephone service and
bring the island to a halt. Economists estimate that Puerto Rico has already
lost over $100,000,000 because of the telephone strike, a figure that would
multiply rapidly if there were a general strike. (Michelle Faul, Puerto
Rico Erupts Over Labor Spat, AP, June 28, 1998. More Strikes Planned in
Puerto Rico, AP, June 30, 1998.)
Road to Nowhere
President Clinton's race panel has held its last scheduled public meeting
and has served up preliminary proposals. First of all, the seven-member
panel congratulated itself on its achievements and recommends that its
work continue past the original one-year term. It proposes a standing commission,
council, or permanent advisory board to the President.
In order to foster racial harmony, the panel would like to raise the
minimum wage, so non-whites will earn more money. It also wants to improve
public schools, on the assumption that ignorance causes "racism." According
to panel member Thomas Kean, former Republican governor of New Jersey,
the country needs a massive investment in new schools, teacher training,
and "access to technology." "I'm suggesting a totally federal initiative
[that] states should be required to match,'' he says. Congress may balk
at spending more money, but it must make the effort "if a 300-year problem
is going to be brought under control.''
The Asian panel-member, Angela Oh, sees a need to calm nativist fears
of too much immigration. She says Americans will stop worrying about the
millions of immigrants who do not speak English if the government pays
for natives to learn foreign languages. Finally, all panel-members agree
that the media are a terrible obstacle to racial harmony, and must stop
their unflattering portrayals of non-whites.
President Clinton will prepare his own year-end report on race relations
and what to do about them. The panel's idiotic recommendations will be
the basis for his report. (Sonya Ross, Race Panel Urges Better Education,
AP, June 19, 1998.)
Who's the Hero?
On May 7, Barbara Coe and the California Coalition of Immigration Reform
(CCIR) put up a billboard at the California/Arizona border (see illustration).
The group got a lot of hate calls and death threats, but also hundreds
of inquiries from supporters. In June, Mexican "civil rights" activist
Mario Obledo announced he would "deface or burn" the billboard, which he
called "racist." Miss Coe notified the police, who said they would arrest
Mr. Obledo if he damaged private property. Nevertheless, the company that
had leased the space to CCIR bowed to Hispanic threats of violence and
boycotts and took the sign down. Miss Coe planned to put it back up at
a different location on July 4th.
When Mr. Obledo was a guest on the nationally-syndicated Tom Lykis radio
program to talk about his threatened action, he said, "California is going
to be a Mexican state, we are going to control all the institutions. If
people don't like it they should leave." Mr. Obledo was the California
state secretary for Health, Education, and Welfare under Governor Jerry
Brown. This year, President Clinton gave the 66-year-old the Presidential
Medal of Freedom – the highest award a civilian can receive. (David Reyes,
Latino Leaders Assail Billboard, L.A. Times, June 11, 1998, p. A18.)
EPA Seeks Racism
For at least 20 years, there has been much talk of "environmental racism,"
or the alleged practice of deliberately putting toxic dump sites in non-white
areas. In 1994, President William Clinton signed an executive order requiring
federal agencies to take racial factors into account in environmental policy.
This year the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) unilaterally expanded
its own powers to include the right to block any state or local environment
policy that discriminates – even unintentionally – against minorities.
It would not be surprising if dumps were in non-white areas, since people
put them where land is cheap, and non-whites tend to be poor. But in fact,
a series of EPA studies of every one of the 1,234 polluted "Superfund"
sites found that whites are more likely than non-whites to live near them.
Blacks have complained the most about "environmental racism," but are the
least likely to live close to a "Superfund" dump.
The EPS did this research twice, once in 1994 and once in 1995. Both
times, it didn't like the results and shelved the reports. Now that The
Detroit News has uncovered the cover-up, the agency denies it deliberately
hid inconvenient data. It says the reports just didn't throw any new light
on the subject. Later this year, Congress is likely to hold hearings to
find out what is going on. (David Mastio, EPA Ignored Race Report, Detroit
News, May 28, 1998. Bruce Bartlett, EPA's Race-Based Rules, Washington
Times, June 10, 1998, p. A18)
The Miami-Dade County school board is about to adopt a Hispanic history
curriculum for public schools. Later this year the Florida legislature
is expected to establish a similar requirement for the whole state. This
follows 1994 legislation that required lessons in black history and Holocaust
"I want it [Hispanic studies] to take the same space that African-American
history and the Holocaust take – no more, no less," said Miami board member
Demetrio Perez. The curriculum, called Legado or legacy, will include
biographies of famous Hispanics, maps of Latin America and lessons about
everything from something called "Three Kings Day" to the raw fish dish
ceviche. One lesson plan challenges students to "develop an action
plan to assist new immigrants."
Many of the "famous Hispanics" are white Europeans like the painter
Francisco de Goya, Queen Isabella, and explorer Tristan del Luna Arellano.
European explorers apparently can be slipped into the curriculum as something
other than rapacious white villains only if they are part of a celebration
of "Hispanic heritage." (Jodi Mailander Farrell, Expanding Horizons, The
Miami Herald, April 11, 1998, p. 1B.)
Better to be Black
In 1985 Pepsi Cola left South Africa to protest apartheid. In 1994 the
company returned with great fanfare. The investors in the Pepsi's new South
African bottling company, New Age Beverages, included black celebrities
like Johnnie Cochran, Whitney Houston, and Danny Glover.
In 1997, suffering
heavy losses in a market dominated by Coca Cola, New Age folded. When this
happens investors normally take losses – but not if you are famous and
black. At a meeting with PespiCo president Roger Enrico, the blacks threatened
a lawsuit or a "public airing of their complaints" unless they were made
whole. In April, Pepsi announced it would give the 26 black investors company
stock worth $9 million. White investors will get nothing. "This cements
our relationship [with the black celebrities] with an eye to the future,"
said Pepsi spokesman Brad Shaw. The company claims the blacks will provide
the company with unspecified "personal services" in exchange for the stock.
(Nikhil Deogun, Pepsi To Pay Stock To Black Americans Who Invested In South
African Bottler, Wall Street Journal, April 27, 1998, p. B17.)
Love Thy Enemy
The African National Congress has appointed a 30-year-old historian
to rewrite the recent history of South Africa. Nhlanhla Ndebele will receive
a three year, $50,000 scholarship to research the ANC's massive archives.
"This will change the way history is taught in our schools," says Mr. Ndebele.
British Aerospace is paying for the scholarship. (South African Scholar
Will Rewrite the Past, Washington Times, May 7, 1998, p. A17.)
The following is from the television section of the British magazine
Hello!, announcing a program called "A Respectable Trade."
"Set in Bristol in the 1780s, this new series explores part of
Britain's hidden history – the wealth and cruelty of the slave trade.
"The story offers tough but compelling viewing for the next four
weeks, with Warren Clarke playing an ill-bred ship owner, Anna Massey his
spinster sister, Emma Fielding his posh but penniless wife and Ariyone
Bakare one of the black cargo for whom she falls – he being learned, powerful
and dignified (in fact, everything her husband is not).
"Adapted by Philippa Gregory from her novel, it offers a British parallel
to Roots and Amistad, which depicted America's role in the
slave trade. But, says script executive James Saynor: 'We're not trying
to be too preachy. We didn't do it because we wanted to say something about
race relations. It was a good story and that's what drama's about.' " (Pick
Of The Week, Hello!, April 18, 1998, p.78.)
Not Going Quietly
The INS is deporting records numbers of illegal aliens. Last year it
expelled 113,325 and this year it is likely to top that figure. Three-quarters
of illegals go home by bus to Mexico, but 20 to 30 thousand fly on commercial
airlines, their one-way tickets paid for by the INS. The flyers have found
a loophole in the deportation process. If the captain of a commercial airliner
decides that a passenger might be unruly or a danger to other passengers
he has the right to leave him on the ground. It is now a common last-ditch
tactic for the Nigeria- or Congo-bound to scream and kick and assault guards
on the way to the boarding gate. They go back to detention and some of
them face battery charges, but at least they manage to stay in the country
a little longer. In the worst cases, the INS must pay for a guard or two
to fly with the bolshie alien. (Laurie Cohen, Many Deportees Make Fracas
at Airport Their Last Appeal, Wall Street Journal, May 6, 1998, p. 1.)
Cleaning Up the Airwaves
Until this April, broadcasters had to hire non-whites in proportion
to their numbers in the surrounding population. They also had to make a
special effort to hunt for non-white employees and to give them special
training. Those who did not could have their broadcasting licenses revoked
by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), which has claimed since
1968 that racially mixed broadcasting staff were "in the public interest."
The US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia asked the FCC to explain
how racial preferences serve the public interest. The FCC failed to satisfy
the court, which has now ruled its regulations unconstitutional.
The case was brought by the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod, which holds
licenses for two noncommercial religious radio stations in Clayton, Mo.
The church was appealing an FCC ruling that it was insufficiently zealous
in recruiting non-whites. The stations broadcast religious programs and
classical music, and had been unable to hire many black Lutheran classical-music-lovers.
(Jeannine Aversa, AP, Court KOs FCC Hiring Requirements, April, 14, 1998.)
Asians Versus Hispanics
California's two fastest growing populations don't seem to get along.
In June, a group of eight to ten Asians attacked two Hispanics in a gas
station mini-mart in Lancaster, a suburb of Los Angeles. One of the Asians
reportedly said "What are you wetbacks doing here?" before the group started
kicking the Hispanics and beating them with a "Club" steering wheel lock.
Police caught eight of the attackers and booked them for assault and on
suspicion of committing a hate crime. (Eight Arrested in Suspected Antelope
Valley Hate Crime, L.A. Times, June 15, 1998 p. B6.)
Diversity Comes to Maine
High school students in Portland, Maine, have been getting into fights
with – of all things – Somali immigrants. For the past month police have
patrolled Portland High School when classes are let out in the hope of
keeping the skirmishing under control. In a recent brawl involving ten
whites and five Somalis, a 17-year-old white was charged with starting
the fight by hitting a Somali in the face with a brick. The Somali reportedly
fought back with a brick, nearly tearing off the white student's ear. Authorities
are reportedly trying to "provide an environment of reconciliation." (AP,
Police Seeking Peace Where Racial Brawl Broke Out, Boston Globe, June 15,
Great White North
So many non-whites are streaming into Toronto, Canada, that whites are
expected to become a minority in 18 months. A report commissioned by the
city council called "Together We Are One," reports that:
By the year 2000, 54 percent of the city's population will
be non-white. In 1991 only 30 percent were non-white.
Half of Canada's blacks and 42 percent of the country's non-whites live
Over 70,000 immigrants come every year, speaking 100 different languages.
Forty-two percent speak neither English nor French.
One in five Toronto residents arrived in Canada after 1981 and one in
ten came after 1991.
Toronto has a higher percentage of foreign-born residents than any other
city in the world.
The city is planning a series of public meetings to discuss ways
to celebrate diversity and eliminate "inequalities." (Elaine Carey, Minorities
Set To Be Majority, The Toronto Star, June 7, 1998, A1.)
Deaf to Reason
Last year, New York City police discovered a gang of Mexicans who had
smuggled 49 Mexican deaf-mutes into the city to work more or less as slaves.
The gang forced them to sell trinkets in the subways for as many as 20
hours a day, and beat or starved them if they did not bring in enough money.
They kept the workers in two cramped apartments where they slept on the
floor. In June, the last of 18 "bosses" was sentenced to jail for conspiring
to commit slavery and for harboring illegal aliens.
What about the deaf-mutes? For the last 11 months they have been living
at government expense in a motel in Queens. Four children have been born
to them during this period. Under pressure from a suit brought by the ACLU,
the INS has decided that they may stay in the country, since they were
important witnesses in the case against their masters. New York City says
they can now move to city-owned housing, where they may stay as long as
they like. In five years they can apply for U. S. citizenship. New York
City has set aside one million dollars for their care. (Mirta Ojito, 49
Abused Deaf Mexicans to be Allowed to Stay in U.S., New York Times, June
Best Minds are Baffled
Researchers at Vanderbilt University report that even when black and
white households have the same incomes, whites are twice as likely to have
computers in the home and to use the Internet. When comparable families
of blacks and whites do not own computers, whites are five times as likely
to find computers some place else – in libraries, for example – and connect
to the Internet. The researchers pronounce themselves baffled by these
findings and are worried about blacks being "excluded" from the information
on the world wide web. (Color-blind Web Not Supported by Research, Sacramento
Bee, April 28, 1998.)
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for the August
Don't Miss the great speakers and the good times. You can
still register for what is sure to be the best AR conference ever.
Please call (703) 716-0900 for details.
E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – In your June "O Tempora" item about the effect of removing minority
quotas on California universities, you are mistaken to write that this
was a consequence of Proposition 209 (which outlawed all racial preferences
by the state of California). One should recall that the University of California
regents under Ward Connerly decided to end preferences several years ago,
but the ban took effect only in 1998. I understand that the UC Berkeley
administration feels that the passage of Proposition 209 reinforces the
regents ban, but that they would have terminated their quota policy without
Also, the state has two university systems – the UC system and the California
State University system, which is headquartered at Long Beach. It would
be interesting to read an unbiased account of Proposition 209's effect
on the Cal State system, which did not eliminate preferences before the
ballot. Since they had far less stringent preferences, Prop 209 probably
did not have a great effect on their admissions.
W. Edward Chynoweth, Sanger, Calif.
Sir – In his review of Guns, Germs, and Steel, Michael Levin reports
Jared Diamond's claim that "Bantu shock-troops" might have conquered ancient
Rome had it not been for the absence of domesticable mammals – that zebras
and rhinos were too mean-tempered and cranky to domesticate. But if the
Phoenicians were able to train and use elephants in their battles against
Rome, why didn't black Africans cross the Alps as Hannibal did? Did the
Carthaginians have access to a special population of "friendly" elephants
or did they just use their superior cognitive abilities?
I strongly agree with Prof. Levin that urbanization most certainly led
to selective pressure in favor of intelligence and cooperation. Living
in the cities of the Roman Empire or of the Han dynasty required a higher
level of mental ability than did life in the jungles of equatorial Africa.
Michael Bordonaro, Bronx, N.Y.
Sir – The write-up on South Africa in the July issue was excellent,
and shows the insights that come from living in an area. I might add that
in the ordinary press, the early history of South Africa is as badly reported
as its present.
When the Dutch and later the English settled in South Africa early in
the 17th century, the native population of Bushmen and Hottentots was very
small and scattered. In fact, the first contact with natives did not occur
until 130 years after the first Dutch settlement and it took place 600
miles northeast of Capetown. My point is that in much of the area, whites
were the first settlers!
In time, they created a viable society – so viable that blacks from
other areas, primarily Bantus in the earlier periods, gravitated to the
white areas in ever greater numbers. There they found living conditions
infinitely better than anything they had experienced before. It is because
of this influx of blacks and the high black birthrate that whites are now
Robert Nattkemper, Kamuelea, Hawaii
Sir – I love the "O Tempora, O Mores" section and always read it first.
Is this Latin for "Oh times, oh morals"? I've always wondered.
Brian Stone, Wichita, Kan.
This phrase is from Cicero's First Oration Against Catiline, delivered
in the Roman Senate on November 7, 63 B.C. The night before, Cicero had
managed to foil a plot to assassinate him, which had been hatched by his
bitter political enemy Catiline. Despite wide knowledge of his plot, Catiline
took his place in the Senate as usual, and Cicero's famous phrase expresses
his dismay that a known criminal should still be at large. "O Tempora,
O Mores!" literally means "What times! What habits!" but has also been
more loosely translated as "What degenerate days are these!"
|Sir – Readers who enjoyed your two recent articles on Jean-Marie Le
Pen and the French National Front may wish to know that we are organizing
a trip to Paris this fall to attend the National Front's "Bleu, Blanc,
Rouge" (blue, white, red) festival. This is an annual political rally organized
by the front, and last year, close to 100,000 French and other European
This year's festival will be over the weekend of September 19-20. If you
would like to join our group and take part in what should be a very interesting
and enjoyable weekend, please contact me and I will send full details.
Mike Cerr, Chairman
National Capital Region
Council of Conservative Citizens
P.O. Box 3902
Fairfax, VA 22038
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