Morality and Racial
A priest and philosophy professor
gently reproves the AR point
He calls attention to a
by Fr. Ronald K. Tacelli, S.J.
've recently been at Oxford University, doing research in the New College
Archives. New College, as many of you may know, is oddly named because
it is among the very oldest of the Oxford colleges. Almost everything about
it stands in witness to what Europe once was. But there are some things
about it, I found, that witness to what Europe has recently become.
There is a part of New College known as the Cloisters. It's a rectangular
walkway enclosed on all four sides. Neither the sun nor the sounds of the
city ever quite seem to penetrate the cool darkness of this place. The
stone walls and floor are decorated with inscriptions, some in Latin, some
in English, to deceased fellows of the College. And as the visitor goes
round to the back, to the darkest part of the Cloisters, he can see, dimly
at first, but then with distressing clarity, the statues.
There against the wall, towering in various stages of grotesque decomposition,
are statues of some of the central figures of Christian Europe: Mary and
the Child, John the Baptist, Augustine, a small assortment of English royalty
and divines. Their features are eaten away, crumbling even as you look
at them, as if by a kind of stone-ravaging leprosy.
Fr. Ronald K.Tracelli, S.J.
I don't think anyone seeing these giant statue-corpses could fail to be
moved by strange feelings of disquiet. For myself, I came to think of them
as representing the true state of Western European civilization, in the
way that the picture of Dorian Grey represented the true state of his body
Anyone who visits Oxford, as I did, must be struck by the fact that
almost nobody seems to know why they should be doing what they're doing.
The last of the older dons realize that something is happening around them,
that they will not be replaced by people like themselves. They know that
the very existence of Oxford, and what it means to have an Oxford education,
are things that have somehow, after all these many years, fallen into serious
doubt. And this doubt about the place of a great university stems from
a deeper and more profound doubt about the culture within which the university
"We can neither endure
our vices nor face the remedies needed to cure them."
Everywhere there are signs of cultural malaise. To take just one that
interests me specially: Many people in England – and not merely there,
of course – feel cut adrift from their religious moorings. I don't mean
merely that the influx of Muslims into England has created a strain in
the celebration of various holidays in the public schools. It has. But
I mean something that cuts much deeper; for any problems raised by Muslims
could be dealt with if the established Church spoke with any sort of coherent
voice. But there is a fairly strong – and ever more publicly voiced – sentiment
that the Church of England is little more than a sick joke. After all,
what can you think of a Church, a number of whose clergy, apparently in
good standing, belong to a support group, called 'Sea of Faith,' for priests
who no longer believe in God? You understand how this could discourage
a great many ordinary people; and it does.
Livy once wrote about "the sinking of the foundations of morality .
. . , then the rapidly increasing disintegration, then the final collapse
of the whole edifice, and the dark dawning of our modern day when we can
neither endure our vices nor face the remedies needed to cure them . .
. . Of late years wealth has made us greedy, and self-indulgence has brought
us, through every form of sensual excess, to be . . . in love with death
both individual and collective." My time in England has convinced me that
we are in a time, if not of final collapse, at least of rapidly increasing
disintegration. And – perhaps most unsettling – this conviction, this sense
that something is terribly wrong, is widespread in the population, but
is accompanied by a sense of doomed helplessness: an unwillingness or inability
to articulate what the problems are and what first steps should be taken
to remedy them.
of the things that is on many people's minds, but is not talked about seriously,
involves race. And nothing sums up the mood of unease more trenchantly,
I think, than the horrifying incident that occurred some weeks back before
the elections in South Africa last April. The scene was caught on camera:
two members of the white African resistance, injured, sprawled, half sitting,
half lying outside their automobile, begging for their lives, surrounded
by reporters, in broad daylight, taunted and then shot at point-blank range
by a black soldier.
It's impossible to convey to you the feeling that the video-tape, played
over and over on British television, and the still photographs of the same
event, printed in color in the papers, stirred up in the people with whom
I lived – people who might be expected to hold the politically correct
view of African politics. The media greeted this incident with an unspeakably
ghoulish glee; but I can tell you that the people with whom I lived were
chilled to the bone. As I teased out what they believed, I realized that
they saw in this brutal death the future of South Africa, and the future,
perhaps, of their own country as well. They saw the black soldier's gun,
in other words, aimed not merely at that pathetic and deluded member of
the resistance; they saw that somehow it was aimed at their heads too,
at the head of every member of their race.
These things, as I say, had to be teased out; they emerged very slowly,
tentatively, almost with a sense of shame – as if people were talking about
a forbidden secret. And in a way, of course, they were.
Racial matters are not openly talked about these days, either in this
country or in England; there is a world of difference between what people
are told it is right and proper and moral and true to believe, and what
people themselves see and feel to be the case. In fact, I don't know of
any matter on which people's natural sentiments are so at odds with what
opinion-makers and intellectuals hold as a vitally important truth – except
perhaps the healthy normality of homosexual culture.
Now I ask: Is it wrong to hold that there are racial differences?
that these differences are biologically or genetically grounded? that they
influence various abilities and behaviors? that awareness of these differences
could legitimately influence social policies – even personal social policies,
the policies I make for myself, about whom to associate with and befriend?
But surely there is a prior question: Is it true? For if something is
true, how can it be wrong to believe it? We've come to a strange pass in
our history where a belief is considered so horrible, so wrong, that it
can't possibly be true. Most people in their hearts believe it to be true;
but they can't express this belief – even to themselves! People – not all
people of course: I mean people of European ancestry – consider it wrong
to feel that they'd rather be with people more or less culturally or racially
How strange and how sad! Because it is the most natural thing in the
world to want to socialize with, and relax with, people more or less like
yourself. This doesn't necessarily mean that you hate or despise other
cultures (though it may in fact mean this); it need only, and usually does,
mean that all the various ways of interacting that are familiar to you,
that you feel most comfortable with, are the ones you'd like to see in
place when you are relaxing at home and with friends and neighbors. And
I emphasize: there is nothing wrong with this; it is natural and healthy.
We've come to a strange
pass in our history where a belief is considered so horrible, so wrong,
that it can't possibly be true.
Consider the example of Catholic immigrants here in America. In my neighborhood,
there was an Italian parish, an Irish parish, and a Portuguese parish –
all in rather close proximity. Was this wrong? Some, today, I suppose,
would say it was. But those of us who were in that situation felt differently.
We wanted to be among people who 'did' things the way we did, liked the
Church decorated with a certain kind of vulgarity (yes, it was vulgar;
but it was our vulgarity). We knew that those in other parishes
were Catholics, too – and God bless them; but we wanted to be free to do
things our way.
This was a common experience within Catholic culture in America; and
I think it was a magnificent way of realizing the universal in the particular.
In any case, nobody considered this a violation of anybody's rights; it
was only when there was a move to close parishes and merge them that resistance
was met and trouble arose.
So it seems to me that to prefer 'your own kind,' to want to congregate
with people from the same cultural (and this will often enough mean the
same racial) background as yourself is not inherently wicked; and since
this presupposes noticing those differences which become the basis of preference,
then neither is such noticing wicked; it is perfectly natural, normal,
and healthy. A sign that it is perfectly natural is that it still exists
– even among white Europeans – although we've been told for decades that
to think and feel this way (and to act on these feelings) is morally flawed.
It reminds me of Horace's dictum: You can cast out nature with a pitchfork
– until it returns.
Liberalism and Equality
But if all this is natural, normal, healthy, I'd like to ask: why is
it considered so very wrong? And the answer, I think, can be summed up
in a word that is both unfortunate and convenient: Liberalism. A certain
sort of Liberalism has traduced the intelligence of almost all the people
in the media and the academy. These people have come to believe that unless
we subscribe to some sort of racial egalitarianism, it is impossible to
believe in the dignity of man. So for Liberals a great deal hangs on the
notion of equality. I don't think it's too much to say that racial equality
is a secular religious belief; if it weren't I don't think it would be
defended with such ardor, and in spite of so much contrary empirical evidence.
But why do Liberals hold to this view of equality?
I realize there's nothing more tedious than for a professor of philosophy
to try to trace the roots of some intellectual current. But the more I
study and live with Liberals (and especially the more I study the French
Enlightenment), the more I come to see that Liberalism is a form of Christianity
– not a Christian heresy exactly, but a kind of ersatz Christianity: something
that rejects Christianity itself, but attempts to keep some of the things
within Christian teaching it found attractive and appealing. One of these
notions is equality.
teaching there is a sense in which all men are equal; all men come from
one source – God. They are all called to share in God's plan of salvation.
Since this plan is God's, it is also the ground of the dignity of all who
fall under it. But notice: This does not mean, and was never thought in
orthodox Christianity to mean, that all have the same abilities, are equally
good or talented.
In fact the Christian teaching is that we're a pretty miserable lot:
that if there is to be equality, it's an equality of badness! But even
here there are degrees. Christians could believe that there are innate
differences among various peoples and yet still believe that these various
peoples have the dignity proper to all human beings as children of God.
Put it another way: Though Christians believed that all fall equally under
the plan of God's salvific will, they also believed that there are some
cultures and cultural practices I as a Christian can find repellent; that
there are certain sorts of people who will never be my confidants; that
there are many people who will never reach anything but a low level of
intellectual achievement. And all this could be held with an easy conscience.
Now with the coming of Liberalism, there was a denial of the Christian
God. And therefore equality and dignity could no longer be grounded in
God's salvific plan. How then could they be grounded? Liberalism had to
find a ground for equality and dignity within nature. But where? Christians
had believed that we have a common origin and that in this sense we are
one. But accidents of evolution could never convincingly ground a kind
of equality that is something to prize: a kind that has real worth. And
since empirically it was (and is) obvious that there is much inequality
and difference among different races, this equality had to be seen as potential:
an equality of the seeming worst with the best: an equality unverified
only because of accidental circumstances, because of a lack of opportunity,
a lack of education, a lack of justice on the part of the privileged toward
the deprived. The engine that drives Liberalism is the need to prove concretely
– to verify in history – the dignity of man: to eliminate those obstacles
that hinder the nobleman waiting to emerge from every peasant.
Note: This is nothing less than a program to salvage something of a
religion long abandoned. That something – human dignity – is thus the object
of a secular faith. And since Liberals see equality as among the necessary
conditions for this object of their faith, it isn't really possible to
have empirical arguments about it. The data can always be interpreted in
such a way as to reinforce the belief.
And of course if you talk of racial differences at all, it's never long
before Liberals catch the scent of Zyklon B. This is the second reason
why today's Liberals cling to belief in racial equality, forbid any frank
and open discussion of racial differences. They point at the wreckage of
post-World War II Europe and say: This is where your belief in racial differences
leads! If for nothing else, the Nazis deserve to be condemned for saddling
us with this aspect of contemporary Liberal etiquette.
To be honest, I don't know how to argue with a Liberal on this last
point and I'd be grateful for some help from the audience. But I do think
that Liberals might be open to realizing some of the harm that their egalitarian
doctrine inflicts upon the innocent.
First, if it is false, then it will create unreal expectations in some
races. When these expectations are not met, what happens? Those still not
on a par with others will assume that the fault is not their own and accuse
those who are successful of injustice. So this dogma pursued in the teeth
of the evidence creates social pain.
Second, not only is there no convincing evidence for this doctrine of
equality; the overwhelming weight of evidence is against it. This means
that people's sense of self worth – their belief in the dignity of all
persons – is bound up with a highly implausible thesis. And so as people
begin to suspect that the thesis is false, they will also come to disbelieve
in their own dignity. And this seems to me one of the most pernicious effects
of Liberal egalitarianism.
of blacks leads them to con- clusions different from those they have been
told are the only ones any decent person can accept.
You don't have to read very far in the arguments of egalitarians to
notice a message between the lines: If we're wrong, then by gosh black
people really don't have dignity: it very well might be all right
to enslave them, demean them, humiliate them, kill them at will. And so
Liberals hold themselves and the beneficiaries of their professional kindness
hostage to a theory; reject it, they seem to say, believe the evidence
against it, and you are worth nothing. [N]
And sadly – witness the current spate of books tracing everything from
Greek Metaphysics to the Calculus back to an African origin – many blacks
are now convinced that their dignity depends not merely on an equality
yet to be, but on a superiority that already was and has somehow been stolen
away. (I say 'sadly' because the almost transparent falseness of this will
lead hostile whites to mock and despise blacks even further, and many blacks
to begin to despise themselves.)
Doomed and Wrong-Headed
But that said: 'racialism' seems to me both wrong-headed and doomed
to failure. Recall the letter to American Renaissance by Malcolm
Meldahl [published in the Dec. 1993 issue]. It was a kind of apologia for
his no longer subscribing; he argued that AR had embarked upon a
hopeless and dangerous road. Samuel Taylor responded effectively – on one
level. But I'm still haunted by Mr. Meldahl's words; there are depths to
his challenges that went not so much unanswered as unrecognized. So I'd
like, if I may, to bring some of them to the surface.
Mr. Meldahl speaks of "a certain animus motivating AR, sometimes
naked, mostly veiled, which . . . really does lend to hurting people .
. . ." Mr. Taylor disputes this with an air of wounded innocence. But consider.
Who are the people attracted by AR? The ones I know are those who
see our cities disintegrating, our neighborhoods becoming unsafe or, even
if not completely unsafe, at least unlivable; who see our country becoming
more and more barbarous; and who – most important – identify this problem
with the problem of the black population; who note that the presence of
blacks in sufficient numbers involves the disintegration of a way of life
into something they do not (and really should not) wish to tolerate.
People's experience of blacks leads them to conclusions different from
those they have been told are the only ones any decent intelligent person
can accept. They see an image of blacks in movies and on television that
is completely at odds with their experience. They know what concentrations
of black population mean, and they bristle that their experience is denied.
I don't think that there is much positive feeling of white pride here.
No; it is a fear and dislike of what they see as the encroaching of black
culture (or anti-culture) that motivates them. And then AR comes
along and tells them: these things you don't like about blacks are genetically
grounded; they cannot go away under the ministering hand of Liberal welfare
AR is extremely naive if it thinks that what it stands for is
not anti-black, or that it is unfair that it should be perceived that way;
given how social problems have occasioned an interest in AR, and
given the genetic/biological slant that is dear to its heart, the primary
effect is bound to seem – and perhaps to be – not pride in white achievements
but a sad and sometimes contemptuous disdain at black failure.
After all, most white people don't normally think of themselves as 'white.'
Not even in the better days before the Liberal ascendancy did they think
of themselves this way. They most often thought of themselves as Poles,
Italians, Irish, English, Catholics, Protestants, Jews; as members of this
neighborhood, this town, and so on. These are the most familiar groupings.
In my experience, people think of themselves as 'white' when they sense
or think about things that specially bother them about 'non-whites' – especially
And that is again why AR is open to the charge of animus: because
in making the 'white man' its rallying cry, it is focusing on something
that most people focus on in a moment of negative comparison. For most
people 'whiteness' as such is much too abstract to inspire positive loyalties;
their loyalties are concrete: family, clan, culture, faith. To be able
to share AR's positive enthusiasm for the white man, people would
have to embrace a philosophical perspective I look upon as part of the
problem of our increasingly barbaric society, not part of its solution
(more on this below).
Mr. Taylor has said that nothing in AR's point of view should
be specially offensive or hurtful to blacks. After all, we don't mind that
Chinese are on average more intelligent than white Europeans. So why should
blacks be particularly hurt if we whites are on average more intelligent
But this, too, seems more than a bit naive. Is it foolish to think that
the grotesque follies AR reports in "O Tempora! O Mores!" are meant
to illustrate what this deficiency of black intelligence concretely means?
And is it really surprising that blacks would be distressed or hurt by
it – especially those who have been raised on a diet of Liberal lies? But
even to an older generation the news cannot be easy to swallow. Certainly
it's much harder to swallow than our being on average less bright than
the Chinese. For we have an enormously rich intellectual heritage to be
proud of; the blacks do not. And the message of AR is that it has
been arranged that way by nature. It says: All the things we whites don't
want to live around you people for are the result of a comparatively meager
genetic endowment. And that is hard doctrine.
Being intellectually at the bottom is a bitter pill; it would take I
think a saint's humility fully to accept. But humility is a virtue AR,
with its emphasis on biological imperatives, is really in no position to
Mr. Meldahl complained that he'd "like to see the fervor with which
you militate against liberalism and its obvious excesses matched by the
fervor to preserve what's good and admirable." But here we are confronted
by a problem. What is good and admirable, and why do we want to preserve
To answer these questions we need to ask another: What sort of resources
does AR have at its disposal in order to give a satisfying answer?
The philosophical perspective that seems to drive AR is materialist/evolutionist.
And that perspective I believe to be (a) false and (b) fatal to even a
minimally decent moral vision.
Consider these statements from Prof. Revilo Oliver, surely one of racialism's
most learned spokesmen. "[T]he universe . . . was not made for man and
is totally devoid of moral values." "[A] moment's thought should suffice
to show that, in the absence of a decree from a supernatural monarch, there
can be no rights other than those which citizens have . . . bestowed on
themselves; and while . . . citizens may show kindness to aliens, slaves,
and dogs, such beings can obviously have no rights." "The morality that
is highest is the one that most conduces to . . . survival and . . . expansion
at the expense of inferior peoples."
I would like to know how any racialist can escape from this grim and
hopeless vision. Remember Meldahl's words: "I do not . . . perceive the
means to resist excesses possible to commit in the name of AR's
ideology . . . . There is no set of crampons sufficiently sharp and strong
to keep you guys from sliding . . . into a bloodbath." Are these fears
groundless? Unless AR can show a convincing way out, it can hardly
claim that they are.
Let me put this another way. Mr. Taylor says we whites must in some
sense secede or disengage. Well, suppose we do. What will our white disengaged
society look like? What music will we listen to? Puccini? Wagner? Madonna?
The Rolling Stones? Screwdriver? Part of the problem – I'm tempted to say
the major problem – of this society is our betrayal of our own
heritage: the precious thing we have a duty to hand on.
After all, why should non-Europeans treat with honor the things that
we ourselves disdain? And that we disdain them seems to me to be the most
urgent crisis that the West now faces. If our basic convictions about who
we are, and what we profess, were still intact our only problems would
be problems of detail – for example in immigration: How many can reasonably
be assimilated during what period of time. But the problem is that we no
longer believe that there is a same something that immigrants should be
assimilated to. It is the fundamental basic beliefs of our society
that have broken down; and that is why we feel scattered and routed. What
is it that makes us cohere – that can make us cohere – as a nation? I'd
like to hear some suggestions.
I oppose affirmative action as strongly as anyone; and I think that
abolishing it immediately would be a good first step in helping people
of all races to gain some sense of self-respect and responsibility; in
helping our nation recommit itself to true excellence. The trouble is that
we have as a people lost any sense of what the good life – let alone the
excellent life – should be. And it's hard to orient yourself toward an
Please don't get me wrong. The problems raised by AR are real; it's
not a waste of time to discuss them; in fact they should be discussed more.
My fear is that a unity about this can delude us into ignoring the far
graver and more profound things separating us. And when you fight separately
against a powerful articulate enemy, as Tacitus reminds us, you will be
no more successful than the ancestors of the British were against the Romans:
singuli pugnant, universi vincuntur: they fight as individuals,
they are conquered all together.
I hope that this conference can be the beginning of a kind of conversation
that leads to greater unanimity about both our plight and the things needed
to rescue us from it. Liberalism is dauntingly powerful. But the one force
it does not have on its side is truth. And that, finally, is its one invincible
enemy, and our one unshakable friend.
Liberalism is dauntingly
powerful. But the one force it does not have on its side is truth.
Fr. Tacelli is a member of the Society of Jesus. Since 1984 he has
taught philosophy at Boston College. This is an abbreviated version of
the talk he gave at an AR conference in May. His complete remarks
– as well as those of the other speakers – are available from: Renaissance
Audio-Visual, 272 Hope Street, Marietta, GA 30064.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
A Reply to Father Tacelli
by Samuel Taylor
r. Tacelli's critique of the ideas expressed in American Renaissance is
particularly valuable and thought provoking because he writes as a conservative
– even a reactionary – rather than as a liberal. Unlike liberals, who refuse
to consider the premises of racialism and thereby dismiss it as "hate-mongering,"
Fr. Tacelli accepts those premises. In fact, he explicitly states some
of the basic tenets of any thoughtful racialism:
That our heritage is "the precious thing we have a duty to hand on."
That "there is no convincing evidence for this doctrine of [racial] equality;
the overwhelming weight of evidence is against it."
That a preference for "your own kind" is "the most natural thing in the
That "the presence of blacks in sufficient numbers involves the disintegration
of a way of life into something they [whites] do not (and really should
not) wish to tolerate."
These four propositions alone amount to a rejection of the vision
of multi-racial America shared by liberals and mainstream "conservatives"
alike. And yet, Fr. Tacelli then goes on to say that racialism – the perspective
that would seem to follow naturally – is "wrong-headed and doomed to failure."
At the heart of his resistance to "making the 'white man' . . . [our]
rallying cry" is the view that racialism can arise only out of a materialist,
non-theistic philosophy, and that this philosophy destroys morality. I
believe both views are mistaken, but since theological debate is difficult
and usually inconclusive, let us for now merely take note of this key objection
and return to it later. Fr. Tacelli has other – entirely worldly – concerns
that fall short of a complete rejection of racialism, and that bear reflection
The Question of Animus
Is AR anti-black (or anti-Hispanic, -Asian, -immigrant, etc.)?
Insofar as we are being dispossessed by these people, AR certainly
devotes a great deal of attention to them. It is impossible to harbor kindly
thoughts towards groups that are transforming our nation and have no compunction
about displacing us. However, animus towards non-whites simply because
they are non-white is wrong and if AR exhibits such animus it is
wrong to do so.
A point that has often been made in these pages is that when blacks
take advantage of affirmative action or when Mexicans go on welfare, they
are behaving normally. They see opportunity and exploit it. They are also
squeezing the life out of white America, and it is natural to view this
with dread. However, they are only doing what misguided and suicidal white
people let them do.
If one returns to the formerly-white neighborhood of one's childhood
and sees the wreck that non-whites have made of it, how can one not feel
bitter? Of course, it does no good to "hate" the newcomers, who are only
establishing the kind of society that it is their nature and custom to
establish. If anyone is to be hated, it is the whites who brought this
about in the name of "integration" or "diversity" or "cultural enrichment."
White integrationists and the non-whites they welcome into our midst are
a mortal threat, not because they are likely to kill us but because their
increasing numbers destroy our habitat, without which we cease to exist
as a people.
The problem is that most whites do not see the long-term threat that
immigration and multi-racialism pose. The urgency with which racialists
oppose it therefore seems to them absurd, perverse, and hateful. Ironically,
it is non-whites, who have a vivid racial consciousness of their own and
who know very well what the shift in population balance will mean, who
most easily grasp a white racialist's fears.
Our struggle is one of survival. Even if the threat is nothing more
than the natural and not-always-hostile expansion of other races into the
vacuum left by our own capitulation, there are certain emotions one cannot
avoid feeling for those who would displace us. Animus may not be the right
one, but affection is impossible.
Part of AR's purpose is therefore to alert sleepwalking whites
to the fate that awaits them. As Fr. Tacelli concedes, the races are not
interchangeable. Liberalism insists that they are – at least when it is
not claiming that whites are uniquely blameworthy. Part of AR's
task is to refute liberal foolishness about the equivalence of races, and
that is one of the purposes of "O Tempora."
As a school or neighborhood or region turns non-white, whites find it
so alien that they must move on. In the case of blacks and Hispanics, differences
in average intelligence (and probably in other behavioral traits as well)
are an important part of what makes them alien. It is part of why, in the
aggregate, they are not like us and will never be like us. Whites must
learn to grapple rationally, humanely and honestly with this.
Fr. Tacelli writes that this is "hard doctrine," and perhaps it is,
but do Catholics suppress doctrine just because it is hard? Original sin
is hard doctrine. Eternal torment for unbelievers may be the hardest doctrine
ever propounded. Does the Church not enjoin us to build our lives squarely
upon doctrine, be it ever so hard?
It may be true that the facts of racial differences cannot be expressed
without wounding people, but surely Fr. Tacelli does not suggest that we
fashion a nation upon a deliberate untruth because the truth is hard. This
would be just the sort of squeamishness about hurting feelings that has
prevented any effective opposition to affirmative action, "inclusion,"
"diversity," and any number of other liberal schemes that are destroying
On a different matter, he is right to say that most whites do not think
of themselves as "white," or do so only after an unpleasant encounter with
non-whites. This is only a recent aberration. One of the compliments Kipling
paid Gunga Din was:
An' for all 'is dirty 'ide
'E was white, clear white, inside
In A Child's Garden of Verses, Robert Louis Stevenson speaks
these words through the voice of a child:
Little Indian, Sioux or Crow,
Little frosty Eskimo
Little Turk or Japanee,
O! don't you wish that you were me?
Little Turk or Japanese . . .
Until the 1950s or 1960s, most Americans knew that they were white and
that their country and culture were white. They took whiteness for granted
and could not conceive of being washed away in a rising tide of color.
And here, I believe, is one of the crucial, missing elements to the cultural
rebirth that Fr. Tacelli – and I – so earnestly desire. Is it a coincidence
that white racial consciousness and pride disappeared during the horrible
1960s, when every standard of decency came under assault?
The call for racial consciousness is not a call for something new but
for a return to something old. In his nostalgia for a more certain and
more spiritual time, is Fr. Tacelli not evoking an era when racial pride
was no less taken for granted than belief in God? As he suggests, Liberalism
in its most virulent forms rejects God.
Fr. Tacelli writes that if only we were sure of ourselves and of what
we were about, the rest would be mere details: how many immigrants to let
in and what to make them learn. But surely, a fundamental part of our loss
of identity has been the loss of our pride as the white, European heirs
to Western civilization. No people can carry on its traditions unless it
feels in its bones that the ways of its ancestors are true and best. Once
the biological identification with the creators of those traditions is
severed, once one's own culture and race are not merely relativized but
demonized, even the will to survive may disappear.
It is no coincidence, by the way, that it is both the white race and
European "dead-white-male" culture that are demonized. Unlike the deluded
white defenders of "inclusion" and "multi-culturalism," who pretend that
Haitian refugees can be made into Jeffersonian republicans, those who would
displace us know very well that the race and culture are one. Without the
race, the culture dies.
I agree entirely with Fr. Tacelli that we have shamefully neglected
our patrimony. Nevertheless, I suspect that if whites still had Stevenson's
and Kipling's innocent pride in being white, their culture might not have
become the plaything of the likes of Madonna and Screwdriver.
Race, therefore, must be our rallying cry. It was within the
context of racial consciousness that our precious heritage arose, and we
can be certain that racial dilution only hastens its decline. We cannot
be sure that whites, once disengaged from non-whites, would not wallow
in swill. But we know that if we throw in our lot with the rest,
we will have no end of Snoop Doggy Dog and Niggaz With an Attitude.
At every opportunity, blacks and Hispanics rename our schools, pull
down our monuments, rewrite our textbooks, and revile our heroes. Groups
that are destroying our heritage cannot be expected to hand it on to future
generations. We may yet fail to do this ourselves, but only we will even
try. Fr. Tacelli urges us to rededicate ourselves to the great culture
and civilization to which we are heirs, and he is right; we must do this.
But it will have little effect if we do not regain our racial consciousness.
Indeed, only through racial consciousness can we end our dispossession
and begin the task of cultural renewal.
To return, finally, to what I take to be Fr. Tacelli's main critiques
of racialism: First, that it can spring only from Godless materialism.
This is clearly wrong. Many of the Founding Fathers, British imperialists,
Confederate generals, and Southern segregationists were both racial nationalists
and devout Christians. Many readers of AR are professing Christians.
In important respects Fr. Tacelli is himself a racialist. To acknowledge
a preference for one's own kind and to observe that non-whites, in sufficient
numbers, transform society in unacceptable ways are clear expressions of
Second, Fr. Tacelli
writes that unbelievers are incapable of even "a minimally decent moral
vision." Hard doctrine! To say of people that they are incapable of basic
morality comes close to calling them less than human. This is a far harsher
division of sheep from goats than anything to be found in AR, and
is the very opposite of the call for unanimity with which Fr. Tacelli ends
his remarks. Decency and integrity have never been the monopoly of believers.
I do not think that Western Civilization can be restored by issuing
a call only to believers and without regard to race. I would return to
Fr. Tacelli's poignant evocation of what the Cloisters of New College came
to mean for him. What an Italian-American Jesuit felt in the presence of
those ancient British statue-corpses is what a Frenchman, German, or any
European-American might have felt, whether Christian or unbeliever. I do
not think that a black or Hispanic-American, no matter how deeply Christian,
would have been moved in the same way for the same reasons.
We cannot afford to let questions of faith divide us; it is our race
and our belief in our heritage that must unite us.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
California voters passed Proposition 187, which denies illegal immigrants
welfare, public housing, education, and all but emergency medical treatment.
A state court immediately flouted the will of the people by prohibiting
enforcement of the provision that applies to education. Fortunately, Prop
187 has the support of Governor Pete Wilson, who has vowed to take the
fight to the Supreme Court.
A number of school boards, including those in Los Angeles and San Jose,
have outraged voters by joining in the suits against the enforcement of
Prop 187. This has provoked a gratifying wave of protest among organizers
for the proposition, who find it unconscionable for elected officials to
use public money to violate the public will. There has been such an uproar
in some areas that school boards have dropped their suits for fear of voter
recalls. [Laura Mecoy, Public wrath hits officials suing the foil prop.
187, SF Examiner, 11/22/94.]
Outgoing Mexican President Carlos Salinas denounced the measure as "xenophobic."
The new, recently-installed President, Ernesto Zedilla, has also complained
about it. Honduran President, Carlos Reima, has promised to lead five other
Central American heads of state in denoucing Prop 187 at a Western hemisphere
summit that was to be held in Maimi, December 8-11. They say it violates
the "spirit" of NAFTA. [Brian Tooney, Next: free movement of labour, Australian
Financial Review, 12/1/94.]
The proposition passed by a margin of three-to-two, but whites were
the only race whose majority voted "yes"(though a different survey found
that a majority of Asians voted in favor, also). The racial breakdown as
reported in the Los Angeles Times was as follows: [A Look at the Electorate,
LA Times, 11/11/94.]
As California's population – and voter rolls – change, there is no telling
what could happen in the state. If 77 percent of Hispanics, who may soon
be California's dominant group, are in favor of welfare for illegal aliens,
it is a safe bet that a majority is in favor of complete Mexicanization.
To the dismay of the mainstream press (television commentator Cokie
Roberts shed tears on camera as she announced election results), the Republicans
have taken control of both the House and the Senate. They will be better
than Democrats but they only slow the rot rather than stop it.
Republicans are becoming the party of white people (58 percent of whites
voted Republican in 1994, compared to 50 percent in 1990), but its leaders
do not dare recognize this. The Republican "Contract with America," for
example, says nothing about reducing immigration or stopping affirmative
The Republican victory is nevertheless unhappy news for blacks in the
House of Representatives. Under the Democrats, they chaired three full
committees and 17 subcommittees. Under the Republicans, they will chair
nothing. Republicans will abolish the District of Columbia committee and
strip D.C. "representative" Eleanor Holmes Norton of her limited but clearly
unconstitutional voting rights. Perhaps most important, Congress will stop
funding the Congressional Black Caucus. Blacks can still meet informally,
but they will no longer have the taxpayer-funded staff that made the organization
so influential. [Eleanor Clift, The black power outage, Newsweek, 10/28/94,
The election season was full of ridiculous statements by candidates
of all races, but one of the choicest came from black New York City congressman,
Charles Rangel. Only racists, he said, could be in favor of lower taxes
or the death penalty. [Deborah Orin, Rangel draws fire by calling 'tax
cuts' a code for racism, NY Post, 11/3/94.]
Perhaps the most blatantly racial campaign appeal was made by a black
congressman from Cincinnati named David Mann. One of his radio commercials,
broadcast over black stations, said this about his Republican challenger:
"In our congressional election there is a serious threat to
the African-American community. His name: Steve Chabot. His party: Republican.
"Steve Chabot wants to destroy families of the poor only because they
are black and poor. . . . Chabot wants more African-Americans given the
death penalty than white Americans." [Paul Gigot, Race card becomes a joker
for democrats, WSJ, 11/3/94.]
Fertility and Welfare
Welfare recipients are automatically eligible for Medicaid, which routinely
pays for fertility treatments for women who cannot have children. The
federal government pays 90 percent of the cost, and the states pay the
remaining ten percent. Even liberals have begun to wonder about the wisdom
of this. Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York all recently opted to
stop putting up the ten percent of matching state funds for these treatments
(and thus ended the programs), but about ten states continue to help welfare
mothers get pregnant.
In 1993, the last year New Jersey paid for treatments, Medicaid paid
more than half a million dollars for drug therapy as well as reversals
of tubal ligations. What finally prompted Massachusetts to end the treatments
was the news that two welfare mothers with eight children each were being
helped to have more. In 1992, in New Mexico, an unmarried welfare
recipient had quadruplets after Medicaid paid for fertility drugs. [Evan
Gahr, Supplementing mother nature, NY Post, 8/31/94.]
The Rewards of Race
action operates so powerfully that non-white college graduates can virtually
count on being offered jobs. The Wall Street Journal reports that
for the class of '94, non-whites received an average of three job offers
compared to two for whites. Non-whites also got slightly higher starting
salaries. [Leon Wynter, Business and Race, WSJ, 9/7/94.]
After interminable haggling, the jury has been selected for the O.J.
Simpson murder trial. It is composed of eight blacks, two Hispanics, one
white, and one half-white half-Indian. Eight are women and four are men.
A majority of blacks have repeatedly told poll-takers that they do not
think Mr. Simpson is guilty, and at least some of the black jurors do not
think so either. One wrote in a juror questionnaire that he would be "surprised"
if Mr. Simpson were guilty. Another wrote that he "just didn't believe
it" when he first learned that Mr. Simpson was a suspect. [Kenneth Noble,
A jury is chosen to hear the Simpson Murder case, NYT, 11/3/94]
Truth and Consequences
Earlier in 1994, the Chicago Department of Children and Family Services
(DCFS) came under unwelcome national scrutiny for having long overlooked
a household in which 19 black children were living in filth and squalor.
In October, the president of the Illinois Senate, James Philips, spoke
to reporters about the DCFS caseworker who should have taken charge much
"Of course, she was a minority. Her boss was a minority. It's
probably a terrible thing to say, but I'll say it: Some of them do not
have the work ethics that we have." He went on to say, "Secondly, they
don't tend to turn in or squeal on their fellow minorities. I don't know
what you do about that, but it's kind of a way of life." [Pate Philip's
Racism and the work ethic, (editorial), Chi Sun-Time, 10/7/94.]
Many unkind things were then said about Mr. Philips, one of the
most incomprehensible by Nefertiti Smith, the black woman president of
a public employee labor union: "He is part of the problem why we can't
provide services to the children and families in the poor economic communities."
[Ray Lang, Workers Defended; Resignation urged, Chi Sun-Times, 10/7/94,
Also in October, one of the co-writers of a successful television program,
"NYPD Blue," unburdened himself a little too truthfully. During a seminar
on screen-writing in Los Angeles, he told participants that blacks do not
make good screen-writers. He once ran a special program to encourage blacks
to get into the profession, but noted that of all the writers in that program
only a handful became successful and "none of them are black. None of the
black writing was any good." [Verne Gay, Race, Writing and 'NYPD Blue,'
NY Newsday, no date or page.]
Teach Them Young
Post has recently started a new section in its paper called "Horizon:
The Learning Section," which is geared towards young people. In one of
its first issues, "Horizon" published a long cover story about race, in
which the very idea of race was generally pooh poohed. In a box, all by
itself, was a separate story called "Race and Intelligence." We reproduce
the item in toto:
"Arguments that one human population is intellectually superior
to another are fairly new in human history, dating mainly from the time
of massive enslavement of Africans. The idea of using Africans in the New
World, however, grew out of the racist assumption that they were superior
to the American Indians. Bartoleme de las Casas, a Spanish priest of the
1500s, argued that Indians being enslaved by the Spanish conquerors were
not up to the 'civilized' work demanded of them in farming, mining and
industry. He argued that the colonial rulers should import more advanced
people such as Africans.
"Much later, when some people challenged the morality of slavery, defenders
claimed that Africans were not fully human, especially in intellect.
"In modern times researchers have made many tests of the mental powers
of all groups of people and repeatedly found that if they test people of
equivalent social and educational background, they find no significant
differences. In 1961, the council of the American Anthropological Association
ruled unanimously that it knew of no evidence that any population was less
capable than any other of participating fully in modern, complex society.
Further studies have reinforced that conclusion." [Race and Intelligence,
Wash Post, 11/16/94]
One of the less obvious errors in this passage concerns Bartoleme
de las Casas. He did not consider blacks intellectually superior to Indians.
He recommended them as slaves because enslaved Indians were sickly and
often ran away. He soon regretted this recommendation and opposed slavery
of all kinds.
Nor is it true that only recently have different races been thought
to differ in intelligence. As early as the second century AD, the Greek
physician Galen wrote of the African's "defective brain, whence also the
weakness of his intelligence."
Whitewashing the News
The New York Post of last September 9th published a full-page
story about an unusual rush-hour subway shooting in New York City. A black
passenger named Garvey Wright approached another black man who was wearing
a suit and reportedly asked him, "Why are you wearing those clothes?" The
well-dressed black is said to have replied, "I have to because I need them
to go to work." After a brief argument, the man in the suit shot Mr. Wright
twice, severely wounding him. Panic ensued in the packed train, and several
people were trampled. [Grand central terror, NY Post, 9/9/94, p. 3.]
The New York Times of the same date published two photographs
of the incident, one of rescue workers hustling a gurney to an ambulance,
and another of police searching the tracks after the attack. It printed
brief captions to the photographs mentioning a "rush hour shooting," but
gave no indication of the race of either man or of the nature of their
dispute. [NYT, 9/9/94, p. B1.]
On October 17th, all four New York City newspapers ran stories on two
unrelated violent crimes: a black raped a white jogger in Central Park,
and a black shot a white investment banker to death. Only the Daily
News reported that both perpetrators were black. The New York Post
pointed out that the rapist was black but left out the race of the murderer
– although the Daily News had reported that the dying man's last
words were "I've been shot by a black man." The New York Post said
the killer was black but left out the race of the rapist.
The New York Times, needless to say, found the race of the perpetrators
irrelevant in both cases, though it did say, rather pointlessly, that the
rapist was "in his late twenties, six feet tall, and 160 pounds, and wearing
blue jeans and a brown and green shirt." Several days later the Times
did publish a photo of the apprehended suspect: a Senegalese.
We Will Follow You
Even before the latest South African elections, the abolition of housing
laws permitted blacks to move into previously all-white neighborhoods. Predictably,
whites have been moving out. One reason is that blacks have a practice
of propitiating their ancestors by slaughtering an animal on the driveway
of their new home – often a sheep, goat or cow. When white neighbors call
the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals they learn that driveway
sacrifices are protected religious practices.
One black, noting that he briefly had white neighbors, says "They seem
to be disappearing. I don't know where they are going. But there are more
of us than of them. Wherever they disappear, we will be there, too." [Isabel
Wilkerson, The suburbs of Johannesburg stay cold to blacks, NYT, 11/3/94.]
We Have Followed You
Many neighborhoods in Queens, New York, have begun to ignore zoning
laws. Residents have converted garages into illegal stores and other businesses.
In one otherwise quiet neighborhood, a welding shop emits a deafening din.
Back-yard roosters crow every morning. The most brazen residents build
squat, concrete bunkers for their illegal businesses. The New York Times
notes that this "is a particular problem in neighborhoods with high concentrations
of recent immigrants." [Norimitsu Onishi, Why'd a Rooster Cross 30th Ave.?
and Amid the Houses, the Bodegas Grow, NYT, 8/28/94, p. 7.]
of immigration has been a change in construction technology. Now, non-white
laborers mix concrete on the sidewalk with a shovel and buckets of water,
just like in the 19th century. It is cheaper to hire mobs of illegals than
to pay for a cement truck. [David Gordon, U.S. Sliding to Third World Status,
LA Times, 9/8/91, p. D2.]
Trouble to Come
President Bill Clinton has been steadily stacking the federal courts
with "nontraditional" appointees. Of his 82 confirmed appointments, 41
percent are black, 16 percent Hispanic, and only 40 percent white. He has
appointed one American Indian and one Asian. Fifty-two percent of his appointees
have been women. [Marcia Coyle, Clinton's judicial choices change the bench's
face, The national Law Journal, 10/24/94.]
Disqualifying the Best
Every year the Illinois State Science Fair gives an award to the Illinois
school that enters the best science team project. For the last four years,
the winner has been Avery Coonley School, a private academy that does not
admit students unless they have IQs of at least 120. This is too much for
the people who give out the awards; they have banned Avery Coonley School
from the competition for the next two years. "We have decided to give other
schools an opportunity to win," explains the contest sponsor. [AP, Brainy
Schoolkids barred from contest, no paper name or date.]
British deaf people are politically incorrect. Their sign language gesture
for homosexuals is a limp wrist. For
Chinese, they slant their eyes, for Jews they make crook noses, and for
blacks they flatten their noses with a finger. Very bad, indeed, but the
Chinese don't seem to mind. Their sign for a white person is to make circles
with their fingers and put them over their eyes like binoculars.
BBC television, which signs some of its broadcasts, has invented new
signs to replace the old ones. This has provoked an uproar among British
deaf mutes, who are taking no lip, so to speak. They are furious that people
who talk should presume to tell them how to communicate. [Rajeev Syal,
Deaf fight to keep their offensive signs, Sunday Times, Aug. 28, 1994.]
The national organization of the NAACP, wracked by scandals and squeezed
by reluctant donors, has stopped paying its professional employees. The
Baltimore-based organization has a staff of about 100 and an annual budget
of $15 million. Its troubles do not directly affect local affiliates, which
are mainly run by volunteers. [John Cushman, Short of Cash, N.A.A.C.P stops
paying its employees, 11/2/94, p. A14.]
The NAACP has had so much bad press, that the NAACP Legal Defense and
Education Fund is considering changing its name. It has been entirely independent
from the NAACP since 1957, and in the 1980s the two groups battled over
whether the fund would be allowed to keep using the initials in its name.
Now it is thinking of shedding even the appearance of any ties. [Steven
Holmes, Rights Group Seeks Distance from N.A.A.C.P. Troubles, NYT, Nov.
A mother who withdrew her child from public elementary school in Berkeley,
California, wrote an article in a local paper, the Berkeley Voice
(Sept. 22, 1994), to explain why:
"In my son's first grade class he got to wear the Outstanding
Student medal around his neck one day and he came home elated to tell us
about it. When we proudly inquired of his teacher as to how he had won
it, we were told that every student gets to wear it one day. . . .
"Elementary school students are never graded on projects or tests. Report
cards reflect the student's level of cooperation and effort rather than
any skills actually mastered. One of my sons received S and E (Satisfactory
and Excellent) grades all the way through second grade before his teacher
informed us at the end of the year that he had not mastered the second
grade skills and needed, he felt, to repeat the grade. Prior to that meeting,
we had had no communication whatever to indicate that there was a problem.
[Gail Entrekin, Relief, regret marks Berkeleyans' departure, Berkeley Voice,
9/22/94, p. 2.]"
The Kappa Alpha Order is a fraternity that was founded shortly after
the War Between the States with the express purpose of honoring and preserving
the qualities of duty, honor, and integrity embodied by Robert E. Lee.
The general is referred to as the "spiritual founder."
The fraternity house at the University of Florida is still draped with
Confederate flags and displays a portrait of Gen. Lee, but the current
president is Prineet Sharma, whose parents immigrated from India. The vice
president is Cuban, and one member is black. [Jack Wheat, At UF, signs
of new South in fraternity of Old South, Miami Herald, 10/18/94, p. 1A.]
Facing the Future?
In the high schools of the Los Angeles Unified School District, fewer
than 10 percent of the students are white. Not surprisingly, they are made
to feel like unwanted minorities. One 17-year-old has been treated to so
much school-sponsored Hispanic-boosting that she says, "I don't really
see any cultural tradition that white people have. But I envy Latin culture,
it's so enriched with tradition."
One teacher at Hollywood High – which is 95% non-white – founded an
Anglophilia Club in order to prevent just this sort of white drift. As
he explains, "Any time the school would recognize a holiday it would be
something like Cinco de Mayo, which doesn't have a damn thing to do with
the United States. I'd say, why aren't we having an assembly for Veteran's
Day, for Pearl Harbor Day?" This teacher retired in 1989.
Iris Ring, a student who is now 15 years old, first learned she was
a minority at age six. She was playing in a neighborhood park when several
girls came up to her and told her that this was a Mexican park and that
no whites were allowed.
Katie Coffey, a fifth-grader, goes to a school that is 95 percent black
and Hispanic. Her heroine is Harriet Tubman. "Sometimes when they have
multi-cultural day, she feels left out," explains her father, "but she
gets a lot of white culture from books . . . ." [Denise Hamilton, The new
Minority, LA Times, 11/4/94, p. E1.]
Swarthmore Rejoins Union
In the 1960s, the students of Swarthmore College, outside of Philadelphia,
voted to take down the United States flag from the administration building.
The flag was racist, imperialist, capitalist, sexist, etc., etc. Recently,
in a hard-fought battle, students voted, 376 to 239, to put the flag back
up. One of the dissenters wrote to the campus newspaper: "I absolutely
refuse to believe that a flag that, for most of the world, means bloodshed
and violence can mean freedom for me." [America Reclaims Swarthmore, Accuracy
in Academia, p. 3, no date.]
Hieleah, Florida, which is about 90 percent Hispanic, is having a hard
time deciding who its mayor is. A state judge has ruled that "overzealous"
and "unscrupulous" campaign workers forged so many absentee ballots that
the election results must be thrown out. A new election was scheduled for
Raul Martinez, the incumbent, was previously elected despite a conviction
in federal court for accepting bribes. His conviction was thrown out on
appeal, and a new trial will be held soon.
The city charter is generally interpreted to require Mr. Martinez to
step down until the next election, since his reelection has been ruled
"invalid." City council president, Herman Echevarria would then be acting
mayor. Mr. Martinez refuses to step down. The other candidate, Nilo Juri,
promises to sue. Federal prosecutors have launched an investigation and
expect to charge more than a dozen people with voter fraud. [Betty Cortina
& Dexter Filkins, Mayor Mess: Who's Boss of Hialeah?, Miami Herald,
11/8/94, p. 1A.]
The Latin Life
Columbia has its own solution to rampant crime and vagrancy: limpieza
social, or "social cleaning." Street children, prostitutes, drug addicts,
bums, and criminals – all known as "disposables" – are often hunted down
and killed by neighbors and shopkeepers who are tired of watching their
neighborhoods deteriorate. Often the police help them. Between 1988 and
1993, some 2,000 people are said to have been disposed of by furious civilians.
Some vigilante groups have semi-permanent organizations, and give public
notice of their intentions. In Medellin, the drug capital, a group calling
itself Death to Car Thieves has killed 50 people since it first announced
itself in March, 1994. In July, a group calling itself Columbia Without
Guerrillas issued a statement saying that it would track down and kill
left-wing rebels. Limpieza social began in the 1980s along with
a sudden rise in crime and vagrancy. [Vigilantes in Colombia kill hundreds
of 'disposables,' NYT, 10/31/94, p. A7.]
Deutchland Unter Alles
Charlotte Hoehn used to run the Population Studies Institute, a unit
of the German government. She was "relieved of her duties" after she expressed
the view that Africans may not be as intelligent as other people. "It's
an example of media assassination," complained Johannes Otto of the German
Society for Population Studies; "She said nothing you couldn't say on a
talk show in America. But this is Germany and taboos remain." [AP, German
loses job for ethnic slur, Chi Tribune, 9/17/94, p. 14.]
Who's Insane Here?
Colin Ferguson is the man who killed six people and wounded 17 others
on the Long Island Railroad in December of 1993. He is being defended by
William Kunstler and Ronald Kuby who have invented the "black rage" defense.
The theory is that Mr. Ferguson was justified in attacking white people
because America is so viciously racist.
In November, Mr. Ferguson wrote a letter to the court saying that he
doesn't agree with his lawyers. "The 'black rage' defense is nothing more
than Kunstler and Kuby satisfying their own dishonest political agenda,"
he wrote; "They don't want to try the case on the facts." Mr. Ferguson
wants to fire Messrs. Kunstler and Kuby and represent himself.
Mr. Kunstler says that Mr. Ferguson is insane and should not be tried.
"He is so insane he thinks he's sane," he explained. [AP, Suspect rejects
'rage' defense, Chicago Law Bulletin, some time in November.]
Hard Times for Columbus
state of South Dakota (which should know better) and the cities of Berkeley
and Santa Cruz in California have all abolished Columbus Day and now celebrate
Indigenous Peoples' Day. [AP, Town discovers Columbus Day alternative,
10/11/94, no paper.] The Mexicans have doubts about Columbus, too. In October
1994, Mexican riot police battled demonstrators in Mexico City who were
trying to pull down a prominent statue of the discoverer.
As homosexuals learn to take precautions against AIDS, it is gradually
becoming a non-white affliction. In 1991, 51 percent of the new cases were
among non-whites. In 1992, it was 52 percent and in 1993, 55 percent.
In 1993, Hispanics were three times more likely than whites to get AIDS,
and blacks were 5.5 times more likely. Black women were about 15 times
more likely than white women to get the disease. Minorities accounted for
three fourths of the AIDS cases among women and for 84 percent of the cases
in children aged 12 and under. About 0.3 percent of all black men got AIDS
in 1993. [AP, More minorities hit by AIDS, Wash Times, 9/9/94, p.
A3. Reuters, black far more likely than whites to have AIDS, agency says,
Remapping the Past
In the United States there is a surprising number of place names that
have the word "Negro" in them. In New York State alone, there are Negro
Point (two of them), Negro Brook (5), Negro Bar Channel (1), Negro Hollow
(3), Negro Creek (1), Negro Lake (2), Negro Marsh (1), and Negro Hill (7).
Many of these place names originally used the word "Nigger," but in 1963
Congress changed every instance of "Nigger" to "Negro." Well into the 19th
century, the word "nigger" was not a insult. For the most part, the names
were simply descriptive of places either inhabited by blacks or associated
with a prominent black. [John Nordheimer, One man's campaign to rename
a creek, NY Times, 11/3/94, p. B6.]
Our Kind of Diversity
The town of Wilmette, Illinois, is 91 percent white, seven percent Asian,
two percent Hispanic, and one percent black. In 1992, 60 percent of the
residents responded to a survey by saying that they were satisfied with
the town's current level of ethnic diversity. [Kate Griffin, Wilmette vehicle
sticker looks too 'correct' for some, Chi Trib 11/15/94.]
The Simple Answer is 'Yes'
Jim Hogshire has written a guidebook for middle-class people who are
either going to prison or who know someone who is. He writes frankly about
"To the simple question 'Am I going to get butt-f**ked?' the
simple answer is 'yes.'. . ."
"Conservative estimates indicate at least 290,000 males get sexually
assaulted every year in prisons and jails. For comparison, the Bureau of
Justice estimates that 135,000 women get raped each year in the whole country.
. . ."
"Rape, especially gang rape, is almost exclusively a black on white
occurrence. More than 90% of the prison rapists are black and the instance
of a white raping a black is the rarest of all. . . . Blacks do sometimes
rape other blacks, however; if you're black, you're not in the clear. .
"In some prisons race is everything. If you are unlucky enough to be
a white entering a large prison where young, aggressive blacks are in control
and race war is continuous, you will be set upon very quickly by black
guys who will try to get off in your ass. Being white in a prison like
that is synonymous with being a punk."
The book costs $14.95 and is for sale by Loompanics Unlimited,
Box 1197, Port Townsend, WA 98368.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – I read with interest your Nov. 1994 account of the return to power
of Mayor Marion Barry of Washington. I am reminded of a Mr. Ronald Jackson
of White Plains, New York, to whom the New York Times recently devoted
a good-sized story. The 50year-old Mr. Jackson, who is black, has been
elected to the board of the White Plains Housing Authority (which oversees
matters related to public housing) every two years since 1980. He is the
tenant representative, and his constituents are almost all black.
Mr. Jackson was a janitor for a commuter railroad but was fired for
chronic absenteeism. While on the housing board, he has been convicted
for bribery and forgery in connection with his job. He has been repeatedly
taken to court for refusing to pay the subsidized rent on his apartment.
He says his board stipend is being garnisheed for child support, and that
his Social Security checkshe claims a childhood foot injury – are being
diverted to make up the losses caused by his crimes. He does not care to
None of this seems to bother his constituents. Just like Marion Barry,
being punished by "the white man" is an important part of his appeal. Robert
Snipes has run against Mr. Jackson several times and explains the incumbent's
popularity this way:
"He has had a long-running battle with the housing authority
and that is only making him a martyr to the tenants. Naturally, the tenants
are going to be sympathetic to someone who is beat up on by the authority."
At least some blacks hate whites so much that they support anyone,
no matter how vile, who irritates or infuriates whites.
Tom Eccles, Westchester, N.Y.
Sir – In the November issue you reprinted a semi-literate letter written
by O.J. Simpson. It should be no surprise that he cannot write. Mr. Simpson
could not enter the University of Southern California because his SATs
and grades were too low. As with many other athletes, the university stashed
him in a two-year junior college that did not have the same entrance requirements,
so that in his third year he could be accepted at U.S.C. as a "transfer
student." This is why he played football for only two years at U.S.C.
Sir – One of the common attacks on The Bell Curve is that IQ
is insufficient because it leaves too much out. Howard Gardner of Harvard
says that there are at least seven kinds of intelligence, including such
things as musical ability, interpersonal skills, and athletic ability.
Athletic ability? Does this mean that people who go to the track are betting
on which horse is smarter? If horses run faster than men, are horses therefore
smarter than men? Please call Mr. Ed.
Daniel Katz, Pembroke Pines, Fla.
Sir – White guilt could not be caricatured more exquisitely than in
the neurotic response from Mr. and Mrs. Biehl to the convictions of three
blacks who murdered their daughter, Amy, in South Africa. As AR previously
reported, Amy Biehl was a white exchange student who went to South Africa
to help educate black voters. She was murdered because she was white.
How did Mr. and Mrs. Biehl react to the 18-year sentences for the murderers?
"I hope their sentence is as rehabilitative as possible," lamented Mrs.
Biehl; "We feel a great deal of sympathy for the families of the accused
– now convicted," said Mr. Biehl. The Biehls were well aware that the murderers
will probably serve only a part of their sentences, and may even be pardoned
if an amnesty law for "political crimes" is enacted.
Trevor Feldman, Woodland Hills, Cal.
Sir – In the December "O Tempora" section you write about a white Chicago
couple who are being forced out of their home of 20 years to settle a claim
that they harassed their nonwhite neighbors. Frankly, it is hard to imagine
an elderly, sickly white couple "harassing" non-whites in their late-20s.
It seems all the more unlikely since – as you failed to mention in your
story – the non-white man was a Chicago police officer.
I note in passing that Chicago has a Committee to Elect a Black Mayor.
Its members are interviewed by the city's mass media without a blink of
a hypocritical eye.
Robert Grooms, Michigan City, In.
Sir – I am a member of the Electric Rail Roaders Association. Sometimes
we watch films of transit systems of 40 or more years ago. One cannot help
noticing that Detroit, Philadelphia, New York, etc. were so much more safe,
clean, and civilized than they are today.
At a showing of a 1930s film about trolleys in Brooklyn, many members
commented on how civilized East New York, Bedford-Stuyvesant, and Bushwick
once were. We have a few black members, and they agreed. Of course, no
one dares mention what accounts for the change.
Name Withheld, Brooklyn, N.Y.
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