White Man in a Texas Prison
Forced integration works
no better in prison
than it does anywhere else.
by D. Zatukel
Demographers predict that some time in the next century whites will
become a racial minority in the United States. This status has already
arrived for many of the several hundred thousand whites who have the least
control over their lives: prisoners. They are forced to live in the most
intimate relations with a class of blacks and Hispanics whom most whites
have carefully arranged their lives so as to avoid completely. Forced integration
has produced racial animosity in society at large; the even more intensive
integration in prisons creates even greater animosity.
Prison administration is also a classic example of judicial dictatorship.
[Editor's note: See review of Judicial Dictatorship in Sept.
issue.] At least in Texas, prisons are operated according to the desires
of liberal judges, desires that would never be ratified by voters.
"New Wave" Texas Prisons
I am 39 years old and have served 10 years of a 55-year sentence for
aggravated robbery. For seven years I was confined in minimum- and medium-security
prisons, but in 1992 I was shipped, without explanation, to the maximum-security
McConnell Unit in Beeville, Texas. I believe that this was because I had
been subscribing to racialist publications and was therefore wrongly classified
as a "gang-related" prisoner.
this transfer I have been living in a "new wave" texas prison that meets
the standards established in the early 1980s by federal judge William Wayne
Justice. The McConnell Unit is spacious, comfortable, and was incredibly
expensive to build. It houses a maximum of 2,880 inmates but cost an astonishing
$65 million – more than $22,500 per prisoner. The McConnell Unit and others
like it are anything but penitentiaries. They are "resorts" for non-whites
who would otherwise be living in squalor. They are "recreation centers"
where prisoners can practice sports and play games, and they are schools
where inmates can study any number of academic and vocational subjects.
Judge Justice put great emphasis on sports, and the McConnell Unit shows
it. The general population – that is to say, all but the 500 or so prisoners
who are in solitary confinement, now known euphemistically as "Administrative
Segregation" – live in four cell block buildings and two dormitories. Each
dormitory houses about 300 inmates and is for "minimum custody" prisoners.
The four cell block buildings, for higher custody prisoners, each house
about 430 men. [N]
For many blacks,
this prison and others like it are anything but penitentiaries.
For these six buildings there are four gymnasiums, each with a basketball
court and a "universal" weight machine. Each cell block building also has
an outdoor recreation area with a basketball court, weight machine, and
two handball courts. There are other sports facilities at McConnell, so
that the 2,400 men in the general population have a total of nine full-court
and two half-court basketball courts, ten handball courts, ten "universal"
machines, a softball field, and two full sets of "free" weights. This is
a lavish complement of equipment even by the standards of fancy health
Many inmates devote themselves to physical conditioning, especially
the blacks. Many spend hours each day playing basketball and lifting weights;
they are bulging with muscles and are an intimidating presence for inmates
and guards alike.
In the day-rooms of the dormitories and cell-blocks, men can watch television
or play chess, checkers, scrabble, or dominoes. These facilities are also
lavish. For example, a day-room set aside for 60 men has two color television
sets, eight four-man game tables, and seven three-man benches, and can
therefore seat 53 men at once.
Anyone interested in education has an enormous variety of classes from
which to choose, from remedial reading up to Master's degrees. There is
vocational training in computers, electronics, drafting and a host of other
professions. Until September first of this year, when a new policy came
into effect, all courses were free – crime opened the door to unlimited
education. Now prisoners will be required to reimburse the state for anything
other than high school-equivalency courses or low-level vocational training.
Criminals are in jail because they are rule-breakers, and a jail cannot
be run without rules. Traditionally, there have been both "official" and
"unofficial" ways to keep order. The official way is through formal disciplinary
charges that can result in loss of status or privileges. For example, a
prisoner may be denied commissary privileges, which means he cannot buy
coffee, food, radios, sneakers, ice cream, etc. This is not much of a hardship.
Ever since the ban on smoking in Texas prisons, the "store" no longer sells
tobacco, which is what prisoners want most.
A more serious
penalty is a reduction in class. There are seven status levels or classes
in Texas prisons, including four categories of trusty. A reduction in class
can mean that a trusty may no longer work unsupervised; a reduction to
the lowest class means a man forfeits "good time," or periods of good behavior
that can lead to earlier release. For prisoners facing a long sentence,
this means very little. Even "administrative segregation" or ad-seg is
not much of a threat. A cell of one's own is luxurious privacy. Also, ad-seg
units are the only ones with air conditioning; Beeville gets very hot and
humid in the summer, so the worst discipline cases live in the best conditions!
The formal penalty system often does not work. It involves paperwork,
which is a bother. Punishment usually goes into effect long after the infraction,
and there are some men on whom it simply has no effect. Therefore, Texas
prisons traditionally had an informal discipline system as well as the
formal one. A popular way to handle an unruly inmate used to be to have
him "stand on the wall" or stand in one place for a long time with his
toes and nose touching the wall. There were occasional beatings and the
threat of beatings. All this is now forbidden, and guards can never punish
prisoners physically and may use force against them only if guards are,
themselves, in clear danger of attack.
Guards therefore have very little real control. Take the case of the
dormitories. They are supposed to be less restrictive housing for better-behaved
prisoners but affirmative action has been at work here, too: blacks must
be assigned to them in proportion to their numbers in the prison population.
If 45 percent of the prisoners are black, 45 percent of the men in the
dormitories must be black, so many aggressive, hostile blacks are assigned
to low-security areas. The six-foot five-inch, 260-pound black who recently
became my neighbor was quite surprised to be assigned to a dormitory; he
was in close custody just before his move.
A white officer is making the rounds of a 55-man dormitory unit at 11:00
p.m. to conduct a head count. All prisoners are supposed to be in their
bunks after 10:30, so he doesn't expect to find much activity, but he is
wrong. Many blacks are up and carousing. Two are in the showers, some are
at the latrine, others are visiting friends' quarters.
"Get to your houses or get an out-of-place case [Go to your bunks or
face a citation for being where you are not supposed to be.]," orders the
The order triggers shouts of "Suck a d**k, mother f****r!" "F**k you,
whore!" "Get your bitch ass outta here, whore!" The officer says nothing
as he waits for the inmates to get to their bunks. They deliberately move
slowly. They repeatedly call the officer "bitch" and "whore."
One muscular black inmate blatantly ignores the officer's order and
struts to the latrine. "Looky here, can't I take a piss?" he says.
"It's count time," says the officer.
An argument develops. The dorm resounds with shouts of "bitch!" "whore!"
and "motherf****r!" The officer knows he faces the possibility of a riot
and a serious beating at the hands of men who would love to hurt him. He
backs down and lets the inmate use the latrine. His authority has been
successfully challenged, he has been humiliated, his count has been disrupted,
and his work has been delayed.
These are the well-behaved blacks. Officers face even more danger and
abuse in the "medium" and "close" custody areas. These prisoners are discipline
problems and have already lost most of their privileges and "good time."
They have little else to lose. They may have jobs assigned to them but
work seldom, if at all. Instead, they lift weights, work out, watch "rap"
music on MTV, and play dominoes.
They know the restrictions on physical punishment as well as the officers
do. They do not hesitate to get into an officer's face, shout abuse at
him, and dare him to strike or touch them. Verbal attacks of the vilest
kind are not sufficient cause for a guard to strike a prisoner, and any
who do so are fired. Racial abuse of the guards is standard fare, though
whites are now "bitches" and "whores" rather than "honkies" or "red-necks."
Because there is so little that can be done to punish them, prisoners
in high-security areas exact special privileges from a system that has
adopted a de facto policy of black appeasement. "Problem" prisoners are
quietly allowed to ignore rules that forbid beards and long hair, and that
require them to be fully clothed in the TV-game rooms. Known trouble-makers
get more food than well-behaved prisoners because officers want to avoid
trouble. For the same reason, officers rarely inspect the living areas
of problem inmates – they don't want trouble. By contrast, men assigned
to dormitories may not put up so much as a pin-up because it might offend
The incessant shouting
of blacks is so loud that many inmates wear earplugs 24 hours a day.
What is it like to live in close quarters with underclass blacks? One
of the greatest torments is constant noise. Blacks are always shouting
at each other, banging around, making a din. The TV-game rooms, for example,
are oftentimes scenes of pandemonium. Blacks congregate around domino games
and yell at each other while the players slap their dominoes on the table
as hard as they can. This combination of yelling and domino-slapping goes
on for hours at a time: "C'mon, nigger!" BAM! "You ain't got nuthin,' nigger!"
BAM! "Give me ten, nigger!" BAM! . . . . The racket and incessant shouting
of blacks is so loud that many whites and Hispanics (and a few blacks)
wear earplugs 24 hours a day.
Because blacks, as a group, are more aggressive than whites or Hispanics,
they generally get their choice of exercise facilities or television programs.
In any TV-game room with more than one television set, one set is constantly
tuned to sports programs, which is what blacks want. Since blacks have
rioted when they were not able to watch what they wanted, they have essentially
been given their own television sets.
Whenever an important sporting event is broadcast, groups of blacks
set up an ear-splitting din yelling at the television set. The noise is
so loud it is painful to be in the room, and the yelling carries throughout
the building. During the spring of 1994, the "sports only" televisions
carried basketball play-offs until 1:00 a.m., seven days a week, for about
two weeks. The policy of black appeasement meant that prisoners were shouting
at the television late into the night, making it impossible for others
Before Judge Justice rewrote prison rules, inmates were not allowed
to talk in the chow halls. Inmates must now be permitted to talk at a "low
level" but this restriction is ignored. Groups of blacks yell to each other
across the length and breadth of the chow hall just as they do in cell
blocks and dormitories. Meal times are a constant racket, and in the commotion,
many inmates slip back into the chow line to eat again. Most officers will
not confront an inmate who goes through the line twice, especially if he
is black; other blacks would immediately take his side and there could
easily be a riot. Perhaps as many as half of the black prisoners eat twice
or more during each meal.
Since racial integration is official prison policy, it is difficult
for a white prisoner to get a white roommate for his two-man cell. Over
the years I have had four black, three Hispanic, and three white cell-mates.
Even if a black or Hispanic "cellie" is well behaved, there is always tension
in this unnatural integration. Generally blacks are provocative and make
terrible cellies. About the only way for a white to get a "whites only"
designation for cellies is to have inflicted serious violence on a black
for racial reasons – and the punishment for this makes it a costly strategy.
Blacks and Hispanics have much greater racial loyalty than whites. Even
most white criminals are racially passive and endure racial insults without
reacting. I do not permit blacks to insult me, but if I were to fight every
time I heard someone called "white boy" I would never get out of lock-up.
Typically, whites are greatly outnumbered, and to make a stand for racial
loyalty would be suicide. Some whites do develop a racial consciousness,
however, and begin to look out for each other.
For Hispanics, the racial bond has an added dimension in that they normally
speak Spanish to each other. In the old days they were required to speak
English, but Spanish is now a civil right. Nevertheless, whites and Hispanics
tend to have a lot in common and share a similar temperament. Hispanics
appear to be a bit more emotional than whites, but blacks are very emotional
and aggressive. Whites and Hispanics share an antipathy towards blacks
and will work together when faced with a black threat. There is only a
small amount of fraternization across racial lines and most prisoners would
clearly prefer the old segregated system.
Race riots are common in integrated prisons. They generally start when
whites or Hispanics get fed up with being pushed around by blacks. Tension
builds up between the races until it explodes in a riot.
In one "close custody" unit (a high-security building for prisoners
with discipline problems) there has been an ongoing war between blacks
and Hispanics that started soon after the unit opened in October, 1992.
The Hispanics got very annoyed at black rudeness, yelling, domino slapping,
and at blacks who would masturbate when Hispanic female guards were in
the area (see below).
One Friday evening, groups of blacks and Hispanics were watching a televised
boxing match between a black and a Hispanic. Words were exchanged and a
fight broke out. The fight quickly spread as blacks and Hispanics began
rumbling throughout the whole building. The fighting overflowed into the
recreation yard and soon over a hundred inmates were hammering each other.
Dozens of officers converged on the area, wearing crash helmets and
wielding shields and batons. They broke up the riot, herded the men back
to their cells (and the badly injured to the hospital) and locked them
down. As punishment for the riot the inmates were locked down for about
three months. This means they had to stay in their cells for 24 hours a
day, except for showers, and were given sack lunches, which they ate in
their cells. Shortly after they were let out, there was another race riot
and the prisoners were locked down again. This cycle of race riots has
repeated itself endlessly in this unit. The obvious solution would be racial
segregation, but this would violate prison policy.
Riots with white prisoners are unusual because most whites are passive.
However, there was one serious black-white incident during the basketball
play-offs mentioned earlier. A dozen whites were watching a television
movie but were told by a guard that they would have to let blacks watch
the play-off instead. As usual, the guard was placating the group most
likely to make trouble, but this time he got it wrong. As the blacks filed
in to watch the game, one of the whites, angry at not being allowed to
watch the end of the movie, pulled the plug on the television. There was
a free-for-all with about a dozen men on each side, but the fisticuffs
were soon broken up by officers. The incident could have been much, much
One of the worst kinds of racial assault is homosexual rape – usually
blacks gang-raping a white. This is known to happen in the McConnell unit,
but it takes place in maximum and medium security areas, about which I
have little direct knowledge.
It may be a surprise to people on the outside to learn that Texas prisons
are rife with public masturbation. Masturbation is now such a problem that
prison trousers no longer have flies or pockets. Men used to cut
holes in the front pockets so they could masturbate with their pants up.
Affirmative action means that there are now many female prison guards,
and prisoners – mostly black – sometimes masturbate as they follow women
around the cell block. Blacks have a special term for this: "killing."
Practitioners of this lewdness are "gunslingers" or "snipers" and engage
in "drive-by-shootings." White women are the preferred targets but any
woman will do. Many killers drape a coat or shirt over themselves but some
blacks expose themselves any time, any place, to anyone!
Masturbation is such
a problem that prison trousers no longer have
flies or pockets.
Until recently, a favorite perch for snipers was a set of benches beside
the entrance to the administration building, where the secretarial pool
works. Killers would take up positions on these benches and open fire on
the secretaries as they walked by. It finally occurred to someone to move
The women's reactions to "killing" vary enormously. Some do not tolerate
it and write offense reports for it. This can mean a loss of commissary
privileges and, sometimes, a reduction of class. As explained above, if
a man is destitute and is doing a long sentence, this means nothing. Most
of the time, the women simply tell the offender to stop. Ordinarily this
works. When the killing continues despite a warning, the offender is usually
locked up in insolation for a short time. Again, this means nothing to
a man who has nothing to lose. There are some women who ignore killing
and do not react to it at all.
One attractive Hispanic woman who worked in the prison law library had
a real problem. She was stuck at her workplace and, throughout the day,
blacks would come into the library, stare at her and masturbate. She wouldn't
stand for it, but was soon swamped with paperwork, filing offense reports.
The unit warden eventually told her not to bother writing up reports, that
he preferred less troublesome, "verbal" solutions.
Sometimes, if a female guard finds a prisoner attractive she will quietly
encourage him to kill on her. Women like this to be done discreetly, in
a cell or some other place where the two will not draw attention to themselves.
The ostentatious lewdness of blacks creates a lot of racial tension
in an integrated prison. White and Hispanic inmates must endure the crudest
racial/sexual taunting by blacks when white or Hispanic women come through
the area. Blacks will put their hands down their pants and play with themselves
or take off their clothes and decide to take a shower. Some will go to
their cells and call to the women to come watch them masturbate – all of
this in the presence of white and Hispanic prisoners. All by itself, this
would be reason enough for race riots, but in the lax atmosphere of today's
Texas prisons, there is no way to stop this disgusting behavior.
This is Prison?
The McConnell Unit is certainly a disagreeable place for a white man;
life at close quarters with hostile, loud, masturbating, white-hating blacks
is punishment enough. But for many blacks, a stint in a "new wave" Texas
prison is about as close to country-club living as they are likely to get.
They live in clean, well-maintained buildings. They
get three square meals a day. They can work out, play basketball, and watch
as much television as they like. They can humiliate white prisoners with
impunity and even shout the most inflammatory racial insults at uniformed
white officers. They cannot have sexual intercourse, but they get the thrill
of exposing themselves to white women and taunting white men as they do
it. Even the most drastic disciplinary measure – solitary confinement –
means a transfer to air-conditioned housing. For a poor, black youngster
from Houston, a stay in the McConnell Unit is a vacation. Who can be surprised
to learn that more than half of the convicts released from Texas prisons
are back within a year? Or that the Texas inmate population has grown 400
percent since Judge Justice's "reforms"?
And what about the guards? In what other profession must a man submit
every day to constant racial slurs and insults – insults that would instantly
yield huge civil-suit awards if the victim were black and this happened
on the outside? In what other profession must women put up with men who
follow them around masturbating and mumbling obscenities? This, too, on
the outside is grounds for enormous compensatory damages. In today's prisons
it is the inmates who punish the guards.
The kid-glove approach to prisoners means that the meanest, most refractory
men – mostly blacks – get better treatment rather than worse. Since guards
have so few meaningful ways to punish offenders, violations are ignored
– essentially rewarded – rather than punished. Because everyone knows that
blacks are likely to riot, even the guards see to it that they get their
way over better-behaved whites and Hispanics. Wrong-doing and the threat
of violence bring special treatment. One of the abiding lessons that an
inmate learns in prison is that the authorities can be treated with the
Federal control of the Texas prison system has been a complete though
almost entirely unreported disaster. Unless the state manages to free itself
from the tyranny of federal judges, prisoners will continue to laugh at
the prospect of a jail sentence. Today, the central feature of a Texas
prison is the basketball court. Some day, when Texans regain control, it
may once again be what it was in the old days: the chapel.
Mr. Zatukel works in the law library of the McConnell Unit. He has
been supplying information on prison conditions to state legislators who
are trying to take control back from the federal government. Mr. Zatukel
will be eligible for parole in the year 2004.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
A Conversation With a Pioneer
Prof. Raymond Cattell reflects
on his career.
by Jared Taylor
Raymond Cattell has made two important but completely
different contributions to the field of psychology. For one, the invention
of a standard personality test known as the 16 PF, he is widely respected.
For the other, the elaboration of a moral code based on genetic improvement,
he is an embarrassment to many of his colleagues but a hero to his admirers.
His 1978 book, Beyondism: A New Religion From Science (reviewed
in the February, March, and April, 1991, issues of AR), was one of the
first books by a main-stream publisher to break the post-war ban on discussions
of eugenics and the biological bases for ethnic separation. Still available
from Praeger Publishers, it laid much of the groundwork for recent books
like Wilmot Robertson's The Ethnostate and Richard McCullough's
The Racial Compact.
Now 90 years old, Dr. Cattell lives in retirement in Hawaii, with his
wife and three Maltese Terriers. On the sun-drenched veranda of his house,
overlooking an estuary, he spoke recently about his past and current projects.
"It's more widely in use than ever," he says of the 16 PF which, along
with the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), is one of
the standard pencil-and-paper tests of personality. It produces a profile
of 16 personality factors (PFs), which show traits as varied as self-control
and homosexual tendencies. So much is the 16 PF still in use that Dr. Cattell's
wife, a practicing psychologist in her own right, is under contract to
write a book about it.
The 16 PF shows that races differ in "average personality," just as they
do in average intelligence. "Blacks tend to be more emotional and more
self-assertive than whites," explains Dr. Cattell, though subgroups of
whites also have different average profiles. Germans, for example, have
more demanding consciences than Americans, who show a greater tendency
to hysteria than the English.
As for his eugenics work, Dr. Cattell sees the promotion of genetic
awareness as one of the crucial struggles of our time. Both a theoretical
and practical eugenicist – "I had five children," he says with a smile
– Dr. Cattell does not believe that eugenics requires compulsion. It would
be sufficient merely to remove dysgenic incentives, like welfare, and teach
the facts about heredity.
Although Dr. Cattell is encouraged by trends in the United States where,
he says, "the public is beginning to follow the scientists," he sees more
rapid progress in Europe. "I think the French are more conscious of the
eugenic problem and so, I think, are upper-class Germans. Certainly among
upper-class English there is an awareness of eugenics." Unfortunately,
as Dr. Cattell concedes, "the Labor Party stifled the eugenic movement
in the lower classes."
Dr. Cattell is, himself, European. Although he has lived in the United
States since 1937, he and his wife are both British. From his first contacts
with his adopted country he was struck by how relentlessly it enforces
equality. "Democracy is a political system in England," he says, "but in
America it is a religion."
On both sides of the Atlantic, he believes that Christianity has been
the source of much mischief. "It gives a moral impetus to the belief in
racial equality," he says; "In fact, it gives an impetus to a belief in
all equality." In his view, Christianity's great mistake is to ignore the
importance of competition, which is what propels evolution. Any religion
that preaches against competition must be dysgenic.
Competition, on the other hand, must not be unrestrained. In Dr. Cattell's
view, an earlier generation of Britons got it right with the notion of
fair play, "which admits competition but does not admit vaunting by the
victor or mistreatment of the loser." Eugenics should be like a hard-fought
contest between English gentlemen: humane competition.
Dr. Cattell concedes that for a man who believes in genetic betterment
and the need for ethnic separation, Hawaii, where he has lived for more
than 20 years, is a strange habitat. Its mish-mash population and tourist
"culture" are the antithesis of his science of Beyondism. "I fell in love
with Hawaii years ago when I stopped off here on my way to New Zealand,"
he explains. He thrives in year-round summer and says that the way the
green Hawaiian hills meet the ocean reminds him of his native Devon.
Dr. Cattell continues to promote his views. He publishes a newsletter
called The Beyondist, and recently submitted an article entitled
"The Price of Illusion" to the Atlantic. "All illusions have a price,"
he explains, and the price of ignoring genetics is mounting ominously.
"Any realistic ethical system
must regard a man who begets eight children on public welfare as someone
as socially dangerous as any criminal."
"Defective internal morality,
failure to control birth rate, unwillingness to sacrifice luxuries to education,
adherence to superstitions, and many other deficiencies may cause a group
to fail either in the struggle with another group or in the economic tussle
with nature. At that point, external 'charitable' support from other groups,
or even their failure to expand as the defective group retracts, are immoral
acts militating against evolution."
" 'Love,' as pity, can err
like any other emotion, and even create what it needs to feed upon."
He has also published a controversial theory about Alzheimer's disease,
which he thinks is normal degeneration rather than a disease. It is well
established that intelligence declines from about age 20, along with vision,
hearing, strength of hand grip, and even oxygen consumption per unit of
body weight. Old age slowly takes its toll on the brain, as it does on
every other organ. He theorizes that the rate of decline is about the same
in all people, so those with average or below-average intelligence simply
drop below minimum competency as they reach old age.
"Folklore has always recognized second childhood," he says, but those
who begin their decline from a sufficient height can be adults all their
lives. "If you start out with an IQ of 130 you have nothing to worry about
at age eighty," he explains.
Dr. Cattell appears to have nothing to worry about at age ninety.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
Was lynching a scandal or a system of justice or both?
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
Lynching is generally thought to be one of the most shameful practices
in all of American history, second only to slavery. It is now widely believed
to have been an expression of white hatred for blacks that could be visited
upon virtually any black for any reason. In this monograph, Professor Dwight
Murphey of Wichita State University shows that this was by no means the
case. He has set out to investigate the subject without, as he puts it,
"animus against mainstream American society," but the result is a portrayal
of a system of justice that was not, in all respects, inferior to the one
we have today.
History and Analysis
Council for Social and Economic Studies
1995, 74 pp.
$10.00 (soft cover)
There is uncertainty
about the origin of the term "to lynch," but Prof. Murphey suspects that
it comes from a certain Col. Charles Lynch of Bedford County, Virginia,
who administered local justice during the American Revolution. There were
many British loyalists in the area who stole horses for the redcoats. The
nearest court was 200 miles away in Williamsburg, so Col. Lynch undertook
to try and execute offenders. After the Revolution, his actions were legalized
by the state legislature, and his name became associated with ad hoc execution.
In recent decades, lynching has become such a powerful symbol of white
racism, that it has been largely forgotten that whites were lynched, too.
Statistics are not easy to gather, but Prof. Murphey offers a total figure
of 3,337 lynchings during the twenty-year heyday of the practice, from
1882 to 1903. Of this number, 1169 were white, 108 were "other," and 2060
were black. Sixty-three women were lynched during this period: 40 blacks
and 23 whites.
A different authority, who examines the period from 1882 up through
1968, proposes a figure of 4742 lynchings, of which 1297 victims were white
and 3445 were black. If anything, the figure for whites is likely to be
an undercount, since unreported lynchings were common in the West, where
most victims were white.
It is easy to lose sight of another important aspect of lynching – that
it was by no means random killing but punishment for specific crimes. Many
participants knew the accused and could determine his guilt. Even opponents
of lynching rarely argued that the victims were innocent; only that courts
rather than mobs should enforce the law and that lynch mobs could commit
Lynching also reflected the will of the community. Prof. Murphey writes
of lynchings that were advertised in advance in the newspapers, that attracted
thousands of people, and that were participated in by leading citizens.
For example, in 1891 in Wyoming, Dr. John E. Osborne – a future governor
of the state – helped lynch a notorious (white) bandit. Dr. Osborne himself
skinned the corpse; the hide was tanned and made into a medical instrument
bag, razor strops, a pair of lady's shoes and a tobacco pouch. For many
years, the lady's shoes were displayed at the Rawlins National Bank – so
far was summary justice from being thought a disgrace.
In the mid-19th century, a mayor of Los Angeles was so eager to join
the action that he resigned his office – which he thought incompatible
with lynching – in order to take part. He then helped spring a man from
jail and hang him.
In 1914, blacks lynched
a white for raping a
People often resorted to lynching because the competent authorities
were a long ride away and justice would brook no delay. Prof. Murphey reminds
us that President Andrew Jackson himself sanctioned the practice when he
recommended to Iowa settlers that they lynch murderers. Likewise in Kansas,
a New York Tribune correspondent reported in 1858 that "[t]here
is a very general disposition to pass over the hopelessly useless forms
of Territorial law and corrupt Federal courts, and try these parties (i.e.
horse-thieves) by Lynch law."
Prof. Murphey notes that contrary to current assumptions, blacks also
formed lynch gangs, mostly to lynch blacks, but sometimes to lynch whites.
In Clarksdale, Tennessee, blacks lynched a white in 1914 for raping a black
woman. The authorities later ruled that this was justifiable homicide.
In 1872 in Chicot County, Arkansas, armed blacks broke three whites out
of jail and shot them to death.
Nor was lynching by any means a sport in which any black was fair game.
In Tennessee in 1911, four white men hanged a black man and his two daughters
but for no good reason. This outrage roused the ire of the community; the
whites were tried and two were hanged.
It is true that blacks were lynched more often than whites, and undoubtedly
some blacks were executed for crimes that might have earned a white a whipping.
Moreover, blacks were more likely to be horribly tortured, burned, or mutilated.
Nevertheless, as is the case today, blacks were also more likely to commit
violent crimes, so even if lynching had been scrupulously race-blind, the
number of executions would still have been racially unbalanced. W.E.B.
DuBois himself wrote disparagingly of "a class of black criminals, loafers,
and ne'er-do-wells who are a menace to their fellows, both black and white."
were the primary or even a significant factor in lynchings, we would expect
blacks in the Old South to have been more likely to suffer from it than
those who lived elsewhere. Prof. Murphey explains that on the contrary,
during the 1890s blacks living in Mississippi were no more likely to be
lynched than blacks living in Kansas.
Many people today believe that the civil rights movement finally stamped
out lynching, but Prof. Murphey points out that it had virtually died out
well before the Second World War. The liberal magazine, New Republic,
used to publish an annual editorial detailing the year's lynchings, but
ended that tradition in the mid-1930s because there was so little to write
about. The NAACP got as much fund-raising mileage as possible out of every
isolated case of lynching, but the practice was essentially finished by
the time blacks started organizing around it. Prof. Murphey argues that
lynching died a natural death as the rule of law was extended into rural
areas and people gained greater confidence in it.
The Nature of Justice
How did lynching compare to our current system of criminal justice?
Obviously, the potential for sadism and error were grim and abiding defects.
[N]According to today's orthodoxy, it was pure barbarism, if only because
its sole purpose was punishment – and, to some degree, deterrence by example.
It did not pretend to be rehabilitation, whereas today we are supposed
to seek regeneration rather than retribution.
In fact, as Prof. Murphey points out, something is lost – perhaps necessarily
so – in any system in which government, rather than the immediate community,
punishes criminals. In lynching there was immediacy, finality, and in many
cases direct participation: The victim or his bereaved could take personal
vengeance. Primitive as this was, and subject to whim and cruelty, it answered
a deeply-felt human need.
Prof. Murphey clearly prefers a system of due process over vigilantism.
Nevertheless, the law must reflect the community's sense of justice, and
in this respect our current system often fails. Known criminals are released
on technicalities. Executions are carried out so long after the crime that
they often seem unrelated to it. Brutes receive absurdly short sentences.
Prof. Murphey explains that by turning "justice" over to a professional
class, we have increasingly made it subject to different kinds of abuses:
"[T]here are the vagueries of courthouse politics, of ego, of ideology
and the part-truths of anyone's conventional wisdom, of fads and fashions,
of biases, of prejudices, often of corruption and venality, of personality
. . . , of budget constraints with their impact on staffing and plea bargaining
and sentencing, etc. etc. These factors introduce . . . a cancer into the
American legal system . . . ."
Our due process system once administered what was seen to be justice
but is now hamstrung with regulations and technicalities that sometimes
make it impossible to punish malefactors in ways that satisfy society.
It is all very well piously to claim that it is better to let 99 guilty
men go free than to punish a single innocent, but such a system leaves
99 criminals unpunished and 99 victims unrequited. The trial of O.J. Simpson
suggests, as Prof. Murphey puts it, that "popular justice must indeed be
horrible to be worse."
Innocent men have been lynched and this is a tragedy. However, are these
deaths so much more tragic than today's routine killings in a society that
has probably been made more violent by an increasingly impotent legal system?
It may not be such an awful thing for men – black or white – to know that
if they commit an outrage there is a good chance they will be dead within
a few hours.
Due process always takes longer than a lynching, but, as Prof. Murphey
writes, it must be "suffused with energy, with dispatch, with a full regard
for the civilizational claims of the law-abiding citizen." Due process
has been perverted by judges who are happy to flout the most ancient and
essential notions of fairness. Vigilante justice was often barbaric, but
our current system suffers from an elaborate decadence that sometimes makes
it difficult to condemn the simpler practices of the past.
Lynching – History and Analysis is available from the Council for
Social and Economic Studies, 1133 13th St., N.W., Suite C-2, Washington,
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
Honoring America's Finest
Who were the three Americans who were awarded the most honorary degrees
this year? All were black. Marian Wright Edelman, president of the Children's
Defense Fund walked off with seven unearned doctorates. She is a self-styled
"progressive" who is a friend of Hillary Clinton and never met a social
program she didn't like. Next was Henry Louis Gates, chairman of the Harvard
African-American Studies Department, who picked up six doctorates. Bill
Cosby, former funny-man, collected five. The leading white person, with
four honorary doctorates, was President Clinton's Secretary of Health and
Human Services, Donna Shalala. [Doctors of Philosophy (Left), NY Post,
The New South Africa
In the last years
of apartheid, blacks thought that refusing to pay utility bills was a noble
act of political protest. Now that the country has a black president, the
noble acts continue. The government claims to be astonished by this, and
has mounted a campaign to convince people to pay. "Who can be proud of
not paying for housing and services now that we have a democratic government?"
asks a television ad, which argues that paying rent and electric bills
helps build South Africa. The utilities have even mounted traveling road
shows to take the let's-pay message to people with no television, but with
Slowly, the government is turning back to the bad old ways of the white
man: shutting off dead-beats. Oddly, this seems to work. Not even a New
York Times reporter could find much talk of building South Africa among
people lined up in Soweto to pay their bills. "If they are making my lights
off, then I pay," was a typical sentiment. [Suzanne Daley, In south africa
a culture of resistance dies hard, NYT, July sometime, 1995.]
AR on the Internet
has opened a home page on the World Wide Web. It is being operated by George
McDaniel, who joins us as Web Page Editor. The page is mainly publicity
about AR for potential subscribers, but we welcome all comments and suggestions
from current readers. Please visit our page at:
Meanwhile, white businessmen are so desperate to get blacks on the payroll
that they pay them 20 to 50 percent more than they would similarly educated
whites. Many help-wanted ads are quite straightforward about seeking blacks.
All this is in anticipation of affirmative action laws that have
not yet been enacted, but which everyone expects to be passed soon. [Suzanne
Daley, In south africa; new jobs, little respect, NYT, Aug 3, 1995, p.
The Chitlins Test
The head of campus security at Kentucky State University in Frankfort
is a black man who wants his white employees to be "sensitive" to black
culture. He therefore gave them an examination that has come to be known
as the chitlins test. It asked test-takers to explain what blacks mean
when they talk about "fronting," "chitlins," or a "crib." A white security
guard filed suit against the university, claiming that the test was a form
of racial harassment. [Ken Hamblin, Chitlins – multiculturalism run amok,
Denver Post, July 23, 1995.] For those of our readers who are white, chitlins
– more properly, chitterlings – are hog intestines cooked for food.
Out on His Ear
A circuit judge in Cook County, Illinois, has been relieved of trial
duties and will take counselling because of "inappropriate and troubling"
remarks about Hispanics. James Smith was listening to lawyers claiming
that a young Hispanic's environment had contributed to his poor school
record; his grandfather, for example, once fired shots at his father. Judge
Smith then made the following impermissible remarks:
"Of course, this is a common practice among Hispanics. I'm
speaking as a criminal judge now. Every New Year's I had to dismiss cases
because it was common for them to step out and shoot at anything that was
out there. You're not telling me anything. I mean, I'm saying I understand
what you're saying. I guess what I'm saying is I'm not so sure that is
not unusual." [Philip O'Connor, Remarks about hispanics lead to judge's
transfer, Chi Sun-times, July 15, 1995, p. 41.]
White Man Fights Back?
A group of New Orleans citizens, led by Sallie Ann Glassman, recently
held a voodoo ceremony that was meant to drive muggers and crack dealers
from their neighborhood. Citizens drummed, chanted, prayed, and asked the
meanest voodoo deity of them all, Ogoun La Flambeau, to scare away the
bad guys. Miss Glassman, who has been burgled and assaulted, does not want
the fearsome Ogoun to hurt anyone; just keep them out of the neighborhood.
Participants in the ceremony, most of whom took it quite seriously, explained
that the New Orleans Police Department was not keeping crime under control
and that they had turned in desperation to the gods of voodoo. Most participants,
including Miss Glassman, were white: "nose and tongue piercers,
middle-aged intellectuals and men with foot-long pony tails," as the New
York Times described them. [Rick Bragg, New Orleans Conjures Old Spirits
Against Modern Woes, NYT, 8/18/95.]
Nothing Racial, Of Course
An organization called Transparency International rates the world's
countries according to how corrupt they are. The six most corrupt nations
are Indonesia, China, Pakistan, Venezuela, Brazil, Philippines, and India.
The least corrupt nation is New Zealand, followed by Denmark, Singapore,
Finland, Sweden, Canada, Australia, and Switzerland. The United States
is 15th. Transparency International does not even bother to rate African
countries. [Barbara Crossette, A Global Gauge of Greased Palms, NYT, 8/20/95,
This year, for the first time, Georgia high school seniors had to pass
a state-wide standardized test in order to get their diplomas. Of the 3,400
students who failed, 2,300 were black; 10 percent of blacks failed while
only two percent of whites did. Educators profess themselves baffled by
the disparity, especially since it does not always reflect their favorite
explanation: poverty. Blacks failed at the highest rates when they were
from relatively wealthy areas and attended predominantly white schools.
Even a passing grade on the test is hardly a ringing endorsement of
a student's ability. Tameka Greene of Atlanta's Crim High School completed
her courses with a 3.59 grade-point average but still failed the test.
[Betsy White, Diploma Denied, Atlanta Journal & Constitution, Aug.
17, 1995, p. E4.]
Helping the People
The black congresswoman from Detroit, Barbara-Rose Collins, now leads
the long list of contenders for Washington's worst legislator. This year,
she has missed more sessions than all but two other congressmen. One, another
black named Mel Reynolds, has been on trial for statutory rape (recently
convicted), and the other had a liver transplant. Miss Collins, who is
accused of splashing out thousands of dollars in campaign funds for personal
expenses, has managed to get one bill passed in five years – to rename
the Detroit federal courthouse building.
Miss Collins' district is the fourth poorest in the nation, but she
always flies first class. "Barbara-Rose is not in Congress to legislate,"
explains one former staffer; "she's in Congress to be a diva." Another
former staffer remembers:
"She'd go to the [House] beauty shop three times a week. And
she'd have staff go and fetch her slippers while she was sitting in the
chair getting her hair done. And as soon as they showed up, she'd kick
off her shoes and stick out her wriggling toes. That's really the lasting
image I have: Her Highness with the big hair-dryer crown, waiting for the
Miss Collins runs a turbulent office; she has lost or fired 30 aides
since last year. She says they were incompetent and that she deserves credit
for giving doubtful blacks a chance – racist whites would never have hired
them. One black she fired sees it this way:
"If the woman were white, what she said would have caused an
uproar. But because she's black and she walks around in Afrocentric clothing,
she can resort to race-baiting to cover up her complete and total managerial
incompetence." [Lori Montgomery & Marc Selinger, Detroit congresswoman
sinks to bottom of Capitol Hill heap, Philadelphia Inquirer, 8/24/95, p.
Meanwhile, the former treasurer of the NAACP New Haven branch, William
Jones, has been indicted for allegedly stealing $24,000 from the organization.
He is said to have made 22 unauthorized withdrawals by forging the signature
of the Greater New Haven branch's president. [David McClendon, NAACP's
ex-treasurer to enter plea on theft charges this week, New Haven Register,
8/2/95, p. A5.]
The Courage of Their Convictions
How do the liberal media – even the "progressive" media – do when it
comes to hiring nonwhite writers and editors? The Nation, which
is one of the most crazily left-wing publications
still operating, has hired two nonwhites in 13 years. The New York Review
of Bookshas no nonwhites on its nine-man editorial staff. Harper's
has none out of fourteen, and the Utne Reader has none out of twelve.
One of the six-man editorial staff at The Progressive is nonwhite,
Mother Jones has one out of seven, In These Times has one
out of nine, and at The New Republic it is two out of twenty-two.
Stone has no nonwhites on its editorial staff, and of the more than
700 issues it has published since 1967, it has had exactly one cover story
written by a black. [James Ledbetter, The Unbearable Whiteness of Publishing,
Village Voice, July 25, 1995, p. 25ff.]
Whatever happened to midnight basketball? July has been a bad month
for it. In New York City, a tournament was held to commemorate two men
who were shot to death trying to kill a police officer (a curious lot to
commemorate, we should think). With the score in the big game tied, the
excitement got to be too much for some trigger-happy fans, who opened fire,
killing two people and perforating half a dozen others.
In Atlanta the very next night, two teams from housing projects were
locked in a fierce struggle. One team was down in points and short on time,
and a player disputed a referee's call by pulling out a gun and blazing
away. The referee, who apparently knew what manner of sportsman he was
dealing with, pulled his own gun and fired back. Both men were poor shots
and only lightly injured each other. [Midnight Mayhem on the Basketball
Courts, NY Post, 7/31/95, p. 18.]
The Syracuse, New York school district has barred the Midnight Madness
league from using its gymnasiums after a tournament ended in a gun battle.
The league was formed to keep "youths" out of trouble. [New York, USA Today,
July 28, 1995, p. 8A.]
No More Japanese?
Japanese-Americans, the nonwhite group most likely to marry outside
their race, now marry whites more often than they marry each other. In
1989 there were actually more births to white-Japanese couples (5,495)
than to Japanese-Japanese couples (3,961). Contenders for Queen of the
Cherry Blossom Festival in Northern California must have at least one fully
Japanese parent, but some pageant organizers are beginning to worry that
in another generation there will no longer be enough contestants. For the
nation as a whole, only 3.2 percent of births are to parents of different
races. [Margaret Usdansky and Patricia Edmonds, Japanese-white marriages
now the norm, USA Today, Dec. 11, 1992, p. 7A.]
Rappin' With the Democrats
Ted Field, heir to the Marshall Field department store fortune and worth
an estimated $600 million, is the founder and chairman of Interscope Records.
Interscope promotes some of the foulest mouths in rap music today: Tupac
Shakur and Snoop Doggy Dogg. Mr. Field shares his profits with the Democrats.
In 1992 he gave the party $98,250 in no-limits, soft money, making him
one of the party's biggest benefactors. Within the $1,000-a-year limit
to any candidate in a single year, he has given the maximum amount to:
Bill Clinton, Dianne Feinstein, Ted Kennedy, Dick Gephardt, Barbara Boxer,
Frank Lautenberg, Barbara Mikulski, and assorted other liberals. [Deborah
Orin, 'Gangsta rap' may mug Dems, NY Post, July 6, 95.]
Detroit Sinks Further
About 2:30 in the morning of Aug. 19, 33-year-old Deletha Word was driving
in Detroit's Belle Isle Park, an island connected to the city by a bridge.
It was Friday night, and there were many people about. Miss Word hit a
man's car but did not stop. The man and two companions gave chase and rear-ended
her car on the bridge, forcing her to stop. A crowd of about 40 people
watched and some cheered as Martell Welch, a 300-pound, 19-year old former
football player dragged Miss Word out of her car and tore off her clothes.
He slammed her onto the hood of her car, and then knocked her to the ground,
while his companions broke all the windows in her car with tire irons and
kicked in the body panels.
Mr. Welch then lifted Miss Word off the ground, walked into the middle
of the crowd, and asked if anyone wanted "to buy some of this bitch because
she has to pay for my car." There were a few offers of ten dollars or so.
Mr. Welch then threw Miss Word to the ground, beat her some more, and dragged
her to the side of the road, saying "I ought to throw you over the bridge."
Mr. Welch is then reported to have picked up a car jack, and said "I'm
going to kill you." As he was about to hit her with the jack, Miss Word
jumped off the bridge into the Detroit River. She soon went under and her
body was found several hours later. Some witnesses say they wanted to help
but were afraid of Mr. Welch and his two companions. [AP, Attacker offered
to sell victim, Chi Trib, Aug. 27, 1995. David Grant, 40 watched attackers
chase woman to her death, Detroit News, Aug. 21, 1995, p. 1A. AP, Teen
is held in Detroit bridge death, Chi. Trib. Aug. 23, 1995, p. 3.]
The Other King Assassination
Everyone knows that Martin Luther King, Jr. was shot by James Earl Ray
in 1968. Much less well known is that Dr. King's mother was also murdered.
Alberta King, age 70, was playing the organ during a church service in
1974 when a black man named Marcus Chenault stood up in the front pew,
pulled out two pistols and started shooting. Mr. Chenault later said he
was trying to kill Martin Luther King, Sr. because God had told him that
black ministers were a danger to black people. In August, Mr. Chenault
died in prison. [Wolfgang Saxon, M.W. Chenault, 44, gunman who killed Mother
of Dr. King, NYT, 8/22/95, p. B6.]
Ronald Kowalski of Carpentersville, Ill. has been convicted of a felony
for expressing his views. He is a white man who disapproved when blacks
moved into the house next door. On the fence separating the properties
he hung a sign that read: "Niggers go back to Africa." He shouted racial
slurs at the black family's children and hung pictures of apes and monkeys
in a window that faced their house. When the blacks were in their yard,
he would turn up the volume on a song called "Welcome to the Jungle," by
the band, Guns N' Roses, and he repeatedly called the police to complain
about his neighbors.
Because a Kane County judge has ruled that he is guilty of a felony
hate crime, Mr. Kowalski faces up to three years in prison or a fine of
up to $10,000 when he is sentenced in October. There are, of course, laws
against disturbing the peace, and if he broke them he should be given the
usual punishment of a citation or a small fine. Because Mr. Kowalski was
found to have a racial motive he is guilty of a felony and, along with
whatever punishment he is given, will lose the right to vote. [James Kimberly,
Hate-crime conviction hailed, raises questions, Daily Herald, Aug. 10,
All is Forgiven
Bill Teal is a six-foot five-inch 22-year old black man from St. Petersburg,
Florida, who plays basketball. He was recruited out of high school to play
for the University of Arkansas but never got there. While he was a high
school senior, Mr. Teal and a companion abducted a girl and raped her.
While he was on bail awaiting trial, he was arrested for beating up and
robbing a 16-year-old girl. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to two
year's house arrest.
When the rape case came up, the victim decided not to cooperate, and
Mr. Teal pleaded guilty to kidnapping with a deadly weapon in return for
a six-year sentence. He is now to be released after serving nearly three
years, and has been offered a full scholarship to play basketball at St.
Petersburg Community College. The scholarship is worth about $4,900 a year
and is funded by federal tax-money and tuition paid by non-scholarship
Basketball coach Bill Payne, who interviewed Mr. Teal in prison, says
the young man will be good for the school:
"I'm impressed with him, the way he presents himself, carries
himself. He could be a very positive role model for young kids in Pinellas
County. It could be one of the best things this college has done in a long
time if it goes through." [Peter Wallsten, Fresh out of prison, he's back
on the courts, St. Petersburg Times, Aug. 16, 1995, p. 1A.]
They Are Finally Speaking Out
On August 31, Northern Virginia judges and police officers told a state
senate subcommittee that young immigrants are committing a huge number
of crimes and overwhelming the juvenile justice system. One judge said
that a third of his cases involved criminals who could not even speak English
and therefore needed interpreters. He complained that the halls of his
courthouse are "chaotic."
Another judge reported that in just one Fairfax County high school,
there are children from 60 countries, who speak 27 different languages.
He said that immigrant children – Vietnamese, Afghans, Cambodians, Salvadorans
– are rapidly being recruited by gangs. Another court official complained
that the INS does nothing about the juvenile criminals who are illegal
immigrants. [Ty Clevenger, Youths 'out of control' in N. Virginia, Wash
Times, Sept. 1, 1995, p. 1.]
None of this is exactly hot news, but it is encouraging that judges
and police officers are telling legislators exactly what the problem is.
White Man Cannot Win
Ford Motor Company, like the rest of the Big Three, has an affirmative
action program to try to help non-whites open auto dealerships. In 1987,
Ford recruited Samuel Foster, and as a result, Mr. Foster bought a dealership
in Selma, Alabama. In 1991, the dealership went bankrupt and Mr. Foster
sued Ford. What were the charges? He claimed that Ford had committed intentional,
malicious fraud by not telling him that blacks are more likely to fail
at running dealerships than whites. The trial court sided with Mr. Foster,
and the Alabama Supreme Court upheld an award of nearly $8 million, including
$6 million in punitive damages. [Theodore Boutrous, Alabama's new affirmative
action tort, Wall Street Journal, Aug. 16, 1995, p. A11.]
Claudia Schiffer, Aryan Stooge
Oliveiro Toscani is the advertising chief for the Italian clothing company,
Benetton. In a recent interview with the Italian periodical Il Messaggero,
he had this to say about the 24-year-old German who is currently the world's
most successful fashion model:
"Claudia Schiffer has succeeded where Hitler failed. She represents
in a dramatic and gruesome way the Aryan myth, which the Third Reich sought
unsuccessfully to impose on the world. In the dictatorship of images, the
Aryan race has now become what it wanted to be fifty years ago." [Reported
in German daily, Bild, March 2, 1995.]
Six Atlanta-area Nigerians have been awarded $3 million in a libel suit.
They say they were falsely accused of being witches by members of the Sanctified
Mt. Zion Church of Nigeria in the United States. The church's prophetess,
Emily Hansen Emah, and four other leaders, Akpan Esenyie, Enyanga Umanah,
Affiong Ibanga, and Solomon Udo, have been ordered by the Fulton County
Superior Court to pay up and to retract their slanderous accusations.
During a 1993 New Year's Eve church service, prophetess Emah accused
the plaintiffs of sailing through the air to wreak havoc, causing outbreaks
of thievery and infertility. The charges were then published by African
News Weekly of Charlotte, North Carolina. The plaintiffs claim that
as a result they were shunned by the Nigerian community and were refused
service at Nigerian shops and grocery stores.
The church leaders claim that they were engaged in worship, not slander,
when they accused the six of witchcraft. They argue that this was therefore
a Constitutionally protected activity and that the judgment should be set
aside. [Nan Lee, Accused 'witches' win $3 million slander suit, Fulton
County Daily Reporter, Aug. 1, 1995, p. 1. Nan Lee, Churchgoers say witch
hunt was form of worship, Fulton County Daily Reporter, Aug. 23, 1995,
The state of Maryland is poised to rescue the Parks Sausage Co., which
happens to be the biggest black-run firm in the state. Eighty
percent of the company's 220 employees are black (an equal opportunity
employer, no doubt), so the state is reluctant to let Parks go under. The
company's problems began in 1990, when it decided to build a 133,000-square-foot
plant in the black part of Baltimore. The chairman of the company now concedes
that Parks, which lost more than $1 million in 1994 on sales of $20 million,
could save $2 million to $3 million a year if it were located outside the
ghetto. [Udayan Gupta, Parks Sausage, biggest black-run firm in Maryland,
may get a state bailout, WSJ, July 14, 1995, p. B2.]
Snow White or Coal Black?
Traditional fairy tales have only white characters. The cable network,
HBO has corrected this defect by recasting 13 of the most popular ones
into multi-racial cartoons. In "Jack and the Beanstalk," Jack is black
and the giant can rap. Rumplestiltskin is a dread-locked Jamaican. Hansel
and Gretel are Hispanic. Etc.
Now, when the giant works up an appetite for Jack, he says, "Fee Fi
Of Fum, I smell the blood of an African – a young one."
"You probably smell the bones of the Englishman you ate last night,"
his wife replies.
"Oh yeah, he was good," says the giant, "but a little bland." [Jennifer
Mangan, Ethnic magic transforms classic fairy tales, Chicago Tribune TV
Week, March 26-April 1, 1995, p. 5.]
Ivy League Confederates
With one important excepted category, Harvard University has erected
memorials to all alumni who died on the battlefield, including one who
fought for Nazi Germany. The university does not, however, honor Confederates,
even though one third of the Harvard men who died in the War Between the
States fought for the South. Yale and Princeton, on the other hand, pay
equal tribute to their Confederate and Union dead. [Confederate memorial
splits Harvard, Commercial Appeal (Memphis), July 5, 1995.]
We Knew It All Along
Blacks are 10 percent of the civilian workforce but are more than 18
percent of both state and federal workforces. Blacks are therefore almost
twice as likely to work for government than they are to work for private
employers. Since 43 percent of all black managers and professionals work
for government (as compared to 14 percent for whites), if public employers
hired as selectively as private ones, the black managerial class would
shrink by perhaps 20 percent.
For anyone whose eyes are not firmly shut, the reason for this concentration
in government is obvious: The public sector does not face competition and
can hire a lot of deadwood without going broke. [Jonathan Tilove, Minorities
have thrived in public sector jobs, Grand Rapids Press, July 30, 1995,
p. A8.] Besides helping to explain why government works so poorly, the
over-representation of blacks means something else – "diversity" preferences
should no longer apply to black public-sector job seekers. No whites are
likely to point this out, but some day it will dawn on Hispanic or even
Asian activists, who will then start yelling about it.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
on Samuel Francis
A gratifying number of subscribers have
written to the Washington Times about the treatment given to columnist
Samuel Francis. Unfortunately, our notice in the previous issue may have
given some readers the mistaken impression that Mr. Francis was no longer
at the Washington Times. He was, indeed, fired as staff columnist
and given a cut in pay, but he continues to write unsigned editorials.
His boss, Wesley Pruden, has been replying
to letters as if nothing at all had been done to Mr. Francis, and
suggesting that someone must be spreading malicious rumors. We would like
to alert readers to the possibility of a disingenuous reply of this kind,
and to encourge an appropriate response.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – In your Sept. issue, in reference to the University of California
Board of Regents' vote to abolish affirmative action, you wrote that "the
current assault on racial preferences is the first time in decades that
whites have acted in their own racial interests."
I am very familiar with the regents' action and can tell you that whites,
as a racial group, had nothing to do with it. Indeed, it was the white
regents who argued most vociferously against the resolutions to end race
and ethnic preferences. The man behind the move was Ward Connerly, a black
businessman who had the integrity, which few whites have shown, to stand
up for what is right. Mr. Connerly is one of the most courageous and principled
men I have ever met, far more so than the whites who tell me in whispers
that they oppose racial preferences but who refuse to stand up and be counted.
The corrupt preference system we are trying to dismantle has been put in
place and is stubbornly defended by whites.
Those who hate this country and its culture and would destroy them exploit
the social fault line of race. Please do not play into their hands by exploiting
the same weaknesses yourself.
California Civil Rights Initiative
Walnut Creek, Cal.
Sir – Erik Peterson has performed a vital service in challenging conventional
wisdom on the War with Mexico. Recent scholarship has shown Mexican political
intrigue to be at least as plausible a cause of the war as any notion of
American Manifest Destiny. As David Plecher has shown in The Diplomacy
of Annexation, the hawkish General Paredes was part of a monarchist plot
to install a Spanish king in Mexico City. War with America was to be the
Others had their own reasons for wanting war. The historian Archibald
Hanna writes: "For ten years a succession of Mexican leaders had used the
Texan revolt and the bogeyman of North American invasion to justify revolt,
dictatorship, and financial exactions. To speak of peace meant political
The one element Mr. Peterson's article does not stress is the ferocity
of the conflict. We must not forget the shocking treatment of Texan prisoners
by the Mexicans. The massacre of 350 men at Goliad remains one of the worst
atrocities ever committed on American (then Texan) soil. A similar crime
committed by, say, the British during the American Revolution would never
be forgotten, yet most Americans have never heard of Goliad. The image
of the Mexican as victim is all they know.
In one sense this image is justified. The average Mexican is a victim,
but of his own rulers rather than of the United States. What Sgt. Thomas
Barclay of the Second Pennsylvania wrote during the campaign is still true
today: "These . . . unfortunate beings, the descendants of the lordly Montezumas,
are made beasts of burden, . . . and undergo a slavery far more abject
than the negroes of the north."
The United States would not save only itself by cutting off Mexican
immigration. By shutting off the "safety valve" it might save Mexico from
its own rulers. It is debatable whether we should follow Edward Abbey's
advice and arm Mexicans before we send them back, but even such a radical
plan would be better than our current policy.
Steven Schwamenfeld, Dundee, N.Y.
Sir – Michael Masters' essay in the July and August issues makes for
frightening reading. I believe that much of the blame for the plight of
the Caucasiod component of the American population lies with conditions
in American universities. Having taught at the university level l for 32
years, I think there are quite specific reasons for these conditions.
Many academics, even those who are not doctrinaire Marxists, are simply
trying to advance their careers. Much of the business of departments of
psychology, sociology and education consists in preparing students to work
for government. The attitudes of government are therefore forced (at least
indirectly) on academe. Still another factor is the competition for government
grants. Big, redistributive government is hostile to anyone who objects
to the egalitarian basis of taxation, welfare, education, and immigration
Attitudes of students also play a role in what timid professors teach,
since promotions are now often based largely on students' ratings of professors.
A large number of the students in sociology and education departments are
black. What professor in these fields would dare discuss with any degree
of candor the considerably lower intelligence test scores obtained by blacks?
Charles Weber, Tulsa, Okl.
Sir – I have never seen the case against judicial review put as cogently
as in the review of Judicial Dictatorship by William Quirk and Randall
Bridwell. Why is there virtually no public debate about the fact that the
United States is governed by unelected judges? I suppose it must be because
the media are perfectly happy with the liberal decisions of our blackrobed
tyrants. We are certainly not the same men as our revolutionary ancestors.
Alfred Corning, Binghamton, N.Y.
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