Why Race Matters
The assault on our race
and culture must be met in explicitly racial terms.
by Samuel Francis
There is an old saying – supposedly an ancient
Chinese curse: “May you live in interesting times.”
Today the curse has come true. The interesting times are here. What is
most interesting about them is that for perhaps the first time in history,
certainly for one of the few times in history, we are witnessing the more
or less peaceful transfer of power from one civilization and from the race
that created and bore that civilization, to different races.
In South Africa, the transfer has already been completed, at least in
a formal political sense, with the apparent support of most of the white
population. In the remainder of what was once the common imperium of the
European people in Africa and Asia, the transfer has long since taken place,
occurring when the imperial powers withdrew or were chased out of the territories
they had conquered.
In Europe the transfer has probably not quite yet begun on any major
scale, and it probably will not begin until the immigration of non-whites
is considerably further along than it is now. But in North America and
more especially in the United States the transfer is well under way. It
is in our own nation that the times are most interesting and therefore
Culture and its Symbols
We see the transfer of power in almost every dimension of public and
private life. Thus far, the transfer is more cultural than it is political
or economic; it is clear in the rise of multiculturalism, Afro-centrism,
and the other anti-white cults and movements in university curricula, and
in the penetration of even daily private life by the anti-white ethic and
behavior these cults impose. It is clear
in the ever-quickening war against the traditional symbols of the old civilization
and the elevation of the symbols of the new peoples who aim at their displacement.
For perhaps the first time
in history, we are witnessing the more or less peaceful transfer of power
from one race to different races.
The Martin Luther King holiday in 1983 was the first and most important
instance of the trend but by no means the last; indeed, it can be argued
that the King holiday was merely the legitimizing agent of the attacks
on other symbols that have occurred since. Attacks on the display of the
Confederate battle flag and on other Confederate and Southern white symbols
are now commonplace, but the Alamo in San Antonio is another traditional
white symbol that is also under attack – by Hispanics. The Custer battlefield
in Montana now celebrates the Indian victory, although what is historically
memorable about the battle of the Little Big Horn is not the victory of
several thousand Indians over a small American cavalry detachment but rather
the defeat of whites at the hands of non-whites.
The holidays, public anniversaries, flags, songs, statues, museums,
symbols, and heroes that a people shares are fundamental to its identity
and its existence as a people. What we are witnessing on the official level
of public culture in the attacks on these traditional symbols and their
displacement by the symbols of other races is the effective abolition of
one people and the gradual creation of another.
Of course, this process is not limited to official culture, which is
often merely the plaything of politicians. It is also true even more clearly
on the level of popular culture, by which is meant today not the culture
created by the people but rather the culture created by elites for consumption
by the people. Western movies now routinely define the whites as the villains
and the Indians and Mexicans – or, even more fantastically, blacks – as
the heroes or martyrs. Almost all TV and cinematic depictions of the Civil
War now unequivocally portray the South and Confederates as the villains;
perhaps at best misguided but nonetheless on the wrong side of history.
It is routine also to display almost all criminals – rapists, murderers,
robbers – as whites, though the statistical truth, of course, is that violent
crime in the United States is largely the work of non-whites. A few years
ago, political scientist Robert Lichter showed in a study that while during
the last 30 years, whites were arrested for 40 percent of the murders committed
in the United States, on television whites committed 90 percent of the
Non-whites are frequently shown as not only heroic but also dominant
over whites. It is a staple feature of police movies to portray blacks
as the administrative superiors of the white protagonists, Mel Gibson’s
“Lethal Weapon” series being
perhaps the best-known. The second installment in the series even depicted
white South Africans – today’s Hollywood version of Nazis, no doubt – as
masterminding drug smuggling into the United States.
These tactics are aimed at
seizing cultural hegemony and ultimately coercive political power on behalf
of non-whites at the expense of whites.
While the explicit racial hatred of whites expressed in black-directed
films is well known, an increasingly common theme in mainstream television
and film is that of the dangers represented by hordes of violent and vicious
white supremacists, skinheads, neo-Nazis, paleo-Nazis, and racist terrorists
who seem to lurk in every city, behind every storefront, in every small
town throughout the country, everywhere, all the time. Recently, in the
ABC-TV production of the eight-hour film of Stephen King’s “The Stand,”
a tale of the final struggle at the end of the world between supernatural
forces of good and evil, the personification of goodness and of God was
an elderly black woman, while the devil was portrayed as a blue-eyed, blond-haired
white man, whose evil followers waved the Confederate flag. Even at the
end of the world, it seems, Hollywood cannot rid us of white racism.
Most of these examples, to be sure, are trivial enough. Euro-American
civilization and the people who created it can survive the artistic contributions
of Stephen King and Mel Gibson – maybe. But these examples are of interest
precisely because they are so trivial and because for the most part they
do not represent the main, explicit subject matter of popular culture today.
In the 1960s, a film like “Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner” explicitly explored
the subject of interracial marriage and brought it up for discussion, but
today anti-white themes more typically provide the background and the context
of popular entertainment. As such they either sneak into the public consciousness
unexamined or in many cases are already there.
The erasure and displacement of official cultural symbols and the similar
process in elite-produced, mass-consumed popular culture represents the
expropriation of cultural norms, the standards by which public and private
behavior is legitimized or condemned and a culture defined. While the traditional
norms that are being attacked and discarded were almost never explicitly
racial, the new norms that are being constructed and imposed are, and they
are not only explicitly racial but also explicitly and vociferously anti-white.
This is a calculated tactic aimed at seizing cultural legitimacy and
cultural hegemony and ultimately coercive political power on behalf of
non-whites at the expense of whites. At the most extreme, the anti-white
racialist movement resembles the ideology of German National Socialism.
It offers a conspiratorial interpretation of history in which whites are
systematically demonized as the enemies of the black race, and a myth of
black racial solidarity and supremacy. “Afro-racism” is the ideological
and political apparatus by which an explicit race war is prepared against
the white race and its civilization, not as part of “rage” nor as a response
to “injustice” and “neglect” but, like any war, as part of a concerted
strategy to acquire power. It is not confined to blacks but extends also
to other non-whites who care
to sign up.
Digging Our Own Grave
Of course non-whites are by no means the only peddlers of anti-white
racism. One of the most remarkable features of our interesting times is
the degree to which whites themselves help dig their own racial and civilizational
grave. I have in my hand here a relatively new magazine to which I am sure
you will all want to subscribe at once, entitled Race Traitor: A Journal
of the New Abolitionism, published in Cambridge, Massachusetts, whose
motto is, “Treason to Whiteness is Loyalty to Humanity.” The editors quote
Julius Lester as writing that “White is not in the color of the skin. It
is a condition of the mind, a condition that will be destroyed.”
While Race Traitor does not seem to advocate physical genocide,
it assumes that race is merely a social invention rather than a fact of
nature and argues for the abolition of the concept of race as applied to
whites. Racial identity is forbidden for whites but not for non-whites
(or at least blacks). Of course the explicit goal is to destroy white civilization
by doing away with the symbols and institutions of the collective consciousness
that defines the race and is the foundation of the culture.
Yet the war against the white race and its civilization is not new.
It is part of a world-historical movement that began in the late 19th century,
perhaps not coincidentally, around the time of the battle of the Little
Big Horn, and which the American racialist writer Lothrop Stoddard called,
in the frank language of the 1920s, “The Rising Tide of Color Against White
World Supremacy” and which Oswald Spengler a few years later called the
“Coloured World Revolution.”
It is easy to smile at such formulations today, but Martin Luther King
himself explicitly and repeatedly linked the American civil rights movement
with what in a 1960 address entitled “The Rising Tide of Racial Consciousness”
he called a “worldwide struggle.” In his Playboy interview in 1965,
King remarked, in a frank endorsement of racialist sentiment, that the
American Negro “feels a deepening sense of identification with his black
African brothers, and with his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South
America and the Caribbean.”
We recently witnessed just such a display of racial solidarity at the
inauguration of Nelson Mandela in South Africa, when King’s widow, Coretta
Scott King, arrived to stand by his side. Mrs. King, of course, does not
travel thousands of miles to celebrate the victories of democracy in Eastern
Europe, but only to countries where her racial comrades are being empowered.
It is true that Martin Luther King, Mrs. King, Mandela, and many other
spokesmen for the “rising tide of [non-white] racial consciousness” espouse
a liberal rhetoric that ostensibly promises racial equality rather than
domination. But whether these spokesmen really believe in such a liberal
vision or whether they merely wield it as a weapon against whites, there
is little question that most blacks in the United States do not share liberal
views about equality, freedom, and tolerance.
A recent Harris poll conducted for the National Conference released
in March, 1994 showed that non-white minorities (Hispanic as well as black)
“are more likely than whites to apply harsh stereotypes to other minorities
but are united in the view that whites are ‘bigoted, bossy and unwilling
to share power,’ “and the poll found that each minority believed it “is
discriminated against by a white-controlled economy and educational system.”
Regardless of the liberalism espoused in public by many non-whites, these
are hardly the attitudes from which a genuinely liberal policy can be expected
Some who support racial revolution may be sincere in invoking liberty,
equality, and fraternity, but historical evidence suggests that it cannot
be so. Historian William H. McNeill argues in a set of lectures delivered
in 1985 at the University of Toronto that what he calls “ethnic hierarchy”
is “on the rise, everywhere,” and that it is indeed the normal condition
of human civilizations. “Other civilized societies,” writes McNeill, “have
almost always accepted and enforced inequality among the diverse ethnic
groups of which they were composed.”
McNeill’s term “ethnic hierarchy,” of course, consists of words derived
from Greek; if those words are loosely (but not too loosely) translated
into their Latin equivalents, it is clear that McNeill is saying that racial
domination, in one form or another, is the norm of human civilizations,
that equality has little historical foundation, and that the illusion of
such equality is about to be rudely dispelled.
The fraudulence of the liberalism espoused by the leaders of the racial
revolution was clear to Spengler himself. “The hare,” he wrote in his last
book, The Hour of Decision, “may perhaps deceive
the fox, but human beings can not deceive each other. The coloured
man sees through the white man when he talks about ‘humanity’ and everlasting
peace. He scents the other’s unfitness and lack of will to defend himself.
. . . The coloured races are not pacifists. They do not cling to
a life whose length is its sole value. They take up the sword when we
lay it down. Once they feared the white man; now they despise him.”
What is happening in our interesting times, then, to summarize briefly,
is this. A concerted and long-term attack against the civilization of white,
European and North American man has been launched, and the attack is not
confined to the political, social and cultural institutions that characterize
the civilization but extends also to the race that created the civilization
and continues to carry and transmit it today. The war against white civilization
sometimes (indeed often) invokes liberal ideals as its justification and
as its goal, but the likely reality is that the victory of the racial revolution
will end merely in the domination or destruction of the white race and
its civilization by the non-white peoples – if only for demographic reasons
due to non-white immigration and the decline of white birth rates.
We know from the population projections by the U.S. Census Bureau last
year that by the middle of the next century the present white majority
of the United States will have dwindled to a minority in its own country,
and given that fact and the increasing legitimization of anti-white racism
in the United States, the situation in this country for whites is not going
to get any better, to say the least.
Of course, the revolution could not have succeeded or gone as far as
it has without the active assistance of whites. Some have supported the
racial revolution against their own race and civilization and even larger
numbers have acquiesced passively, their allegiance to their own people
steadily subverted by the infusion of hidden assumptions hostile to them.
Stoddard and Spengler as well as the late James Burnham in his Suicide
of the West analyzed these self-generated poisons by which the Western
people prepare their own destruction. The ideological poison has assumed
several different names: Marxism, liberalism, globalism, egalitarianism,
and indeed much of the conservatism now espoused by people like Jack Kemp,
Newt Gingrich, Bill Bennett, and William Buckley, as well as a good part
of Christianity, especially in its “Social Gospel” forms. But behind all
of these ideologies and slogans lies the pervasive venom of universalism,
the vision of mankind with a capital M, which now often extends to include
“animal rights” so as not to offend our brothers of field and stream.
In the universalist world-view, there is neither history nor race nor
even species, neither specific cultures nor particular peoples nor meaningful
boundaries. Therefore there are no concrete duties to race, nation, community,
family, friend or neighbor and indeed no distinctions to be drawn between
neighbor and stranger, friend and foe, mine and thine, us and them.
In the happyland of universalism, we owe as much to the children of
Somalia – indeed, more – than we do to the hapless citizens of Los Angeles,
and Marines who could not have been sent from Camp Pendleton to Los Angeles
during the riots of 1992 and who are not ordered to prevent violation of
the Mexican border adjacent to their own installation in southern California
are speedily dispatched to Somalia. Even to invoke “our” identity, our
interests, our aspirations is to invite accusations of all the “isms” and
“phobias” that are deployed to prevent further discussions and to paralyze
the formation or the retention of a common consciousness that might at
some point swell up into actual resistance to our dispossession. The principal
white response to the incipient race war thus far, manifested in neo-conservative
critiques of “Political Correctness” and multiculturalism, is merely to
regurgitate the formulas of universalism, to invoke the spirit of Martin
Luther King, and to repeat the universalist ideals of equality, integration,
and assimilation. The characteristic defense of Western civilization by
most conservatives today is merely a variation of the liberal universalism
that the enemies of the West and whites also invoke. It is to argue that
non-whites and non-Westerners ought to value modern Western civilization
as in their own best interests. It is to emphasize the liberal “progress”
of the modern West through the abolition of slavery, the emancipation of
non-whites, the retreat from imperialism, the achievement of higher living
standards and political equality, etc.
Of course, if the liberalism espoused by non-whites is a thin veil for
the assertion of their own racial solidarity against whites, then all such
argumentation is vain. It accomplishes nothing to preach
liberalism to those who despise liberalism along with everything else derived
from the white West. The uselessness of doing so was pointed out by the
19th century French rightist Louis Veuillot in his ironic comment, “When
I am the weaker, I ask you for my freedom, because that is your principle;
but when I am the stronger, I take away your freedom, because that is my
principle.” Or, as Neitzsche put a similar thought even more succinctly,
“The values of the weak prevail because the strong have taken them over
as devices of leadership.”
What we as whites must do
is reassert our identity and our solidarity, and we must do so in explicitly
Instead of invoking a suicidal liberalism and regurgitating the very
universalism that has subverted our identity and our sense of solidarity,
what we as whites must do is reassert our identity and our solidarity,
and we must do so in explicitly racial terms through the articulation of
a racial consciousness as whites. The reassertion of our solidarity must
be expressed in racial terms for two major reasons. In the first place,
the attack upon us defines itself in racial terms and seeks through the
delegitimization of race for whites and the legitimization of race for
non-whites the dispersion and destruction of the foundations of our solidarity
while at the same time consolidating non-white cohesiveness against whites.
Historian Isaiah Berlin noted in 1991 that “nationalism and racism are
the most powerful movements in the world today,” and at a time when the
self-declared enemies of the white race define themselves in racial terms,
only our own definition of ourselves in those terms can meet their challenge.
If and when that challenge should triumph and those enemies come to kill
us as the Tutsi people have been slaughtered in Rwanda, they will do so
not because we are “Westerners” or “Americans” or “Christians” or
“conservatives” or “liberals” but because we are white.
Secondly, we need to assert a specifically racial identity because race
is real – biological forces, including those that determine race, are important
for social, cultural, and historical events. I do not suggest that race
as a biological reality is by itself sufficient to explain the civilization
of European man – if race were sufficient, there would be no problem –
but race is necessary for it, and it is likely that biological science
in the near future will show even more clearly how necessary racial, biological,
and genetic explanations are to understanding social and historical events
The civilization that we as whites created in Europe and America could
not have developed apart from the genetic endowments of the creating people,
nor is there any reason to believe that the civilization can be successfully
transmitted to a different people. If the people or race who created and
sustained the civilization of the West should die, then the civilization
also will die. A merely cultural consciousness, then, that emphasizes only
social and cultural factors as the roots of our civilization is not enough,
because a merely cultural consciousness will not by itself conserve the
race and people that were necessary for the creation of the culture and
who remain necessary for its survival. We need not only to understand the
role of race in creating our civilization but also to incorporate that
understanding in our defense of our civilization. Until we do so, we can
expect only to keep on losing the war we are in.
The fundamental problem of the American white population was unwittingly
identified by Newsweek in its March 29, 1993 cover story on “White Male
Paranoia.” In an effort to puncture any tendencies among white men to think
of themselves as victims, endangered or exploited, Newsweek pointed
out that “White males make up just 39.2 percent of the population, yet
they account for 82.5 percent of the Forbes 400 (folks worth at least $265
million), 77 percent of Congress, 92 percent of daily-newspaper editors,
77 percent of TV news directors.” From this avalanche of numbers, Newsweek
infers that it’s “still a statistical piece of cake being a white man,
at least in comparison with being anything else.” Newsweek may be
right in its numbers, but the numbers miss the point.
What the numbers tell us is that whites do not act cohesively or think
of themselves as a unit, that whites have no racial consciousness; if they
did, they would be using their persisting political, economic, and cultural
power in their own interests, and the very perceptible “white male paranoia”
that Newsweek was talking about – the very real sense of an incipient
slippage from a position of control – would not exist.
In the United States today, whites exist objectively but do not exist
subjectively, and that is in my view the fundamental racial problem they
face, the basic reason they (I should say “we”) are losing the racial war
against us, the very reason we are in a war at all. Newsweek’s numbers
offer proof of the objective existence of whites and of white power as
measured materially and quantitatively; the spineless abnegation of their
own country and culture that is at the root of white male paranoia offers
proof of the absence of a subjective existence. Whites do not exist subjectively
because they do not think of themselves as whites, they do not act cohesively
as whites, and they do not think being white is important or even meaningful.
As long as whites continue to avoid and deny their own racial identity,
at a time when almost every other racial and ethnic category is rediscovering
and asserting its own, whites will have no chance to resist their dispossession
and their eventual possible physical destruction. Before we can seriously
discuss any concrete proposals for preserving our culture and its biological
and demographic foundations, we have to address and correct the problem
we inflict on ourselves, our own lack of a racial consciousness and the
absence of a common will to act in accordance with it.
What Benjamin Franklin told his colleagues at the birth of the American
Republic remains true today as the Republic, and the race and civilization
that gave birth to the Republic, approach their death: If we do not hang
together – not only as members of a common nation but also as part of a
common race, a common people – then most assuredly we will all hang separately.
Mr. Francis is a syndicated columnist. This is an abbreviated version
of a talk he gave at an AR conference in Atlanta. His complete remarks
– as well as those of the other speakers – are available on both audio
and video tape. Please address inquiries to: Renaissance Audio-Visual,
272 Hope Street, Marietta, GA 30064.
• • •
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Were the Pharaohs?
And what about the
Hittites, Amorites, and
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
A favorite Afro-centric fantasy is that the ancient
Egyptians were black. In 1990, when news began to seep out that many black
“academics” were making this claim, columnist John Leo of U.S. News
& World Report telephoned seven prominent Egyptologists to get
the expert view. To a man, they agreed that neither the pharaohs nor the
common people of ancient Egypt were black or negroid, but not one was
willing to be quoted. As one explained, the question was “politically
too hot;” people can get in trouble for disagreeing with the most preposterous
foolishness if it happens to be asserted by a large number of blacks.
Race in Ancient Egypt &
the Old Testament
by A.A. Sayce
& R. Peterson
Scott-Townsend Publishers, 1993, 144 pp.,
$9.50 (soft cover)
Race in Ancient Egypt & the Old Testament is a scholarly
and detailed account of the racial origins of the dozens of peoples who
are mentioned in the Old Testament. The original text was written by A.A.
Sayce, but R. Peterson has brought it up to date in light of recent findings.
The book makes short work of the view that the Egyptians were black.
Mummies and Murals
For anyone who wants to circulate fables about the racial makeup of
an ancient people, the Egyptians are perhaps the worst choice. The most
obvious inconvenience is the existence of mummies; it is
hard to dispute the race of a corpse that is so well preserved its eyelashes
can be counted. As this book shows, visual inspection, anthropometric measurement,
and DNA analysis leave no doubt that the ancient Egyptians were Mediterranid
Caucasoids – as are the majority of modern Egyptians. Ramses II, the pharaoh
who persecuted the children of Israel, still has the sharp features of
his people and the thin, straight hair typical of whites. He was probably
a red head.
The authors explain that modern Egyptians are, in fact, somewhat darker
than the ancients. Under the more recent universalistic influence of Islam,
Egyptians intermarried with other populations more readily than when they
followed the more exclusionist teachings of Egyptian religion. Today, the
people most representative of the racial type of the pyramid builders are
Coptic Christians. They have been considerably more traditionalist than
Muslims, retaining aspects of the ancient Egyptian language in their rituals
and refraining from marriage with outsiders.
Well-preserved corpses are not always the best source of information
about the races of Old Testament peoples. The authors explain that the
artists of ancient Egypt made thousands of bas relief carvings, wall paintings,
and decorative objects that leave an accurate visual record of the races
with which they had contact.
From Greeks to Gergashites, Egyptian artists drew their subjects from
life and carefully noted racial differences, in both skin color and facial
features. The only exception is the depiction of the eyes which, for unknown
reasons, Egyptians always drew in the same stylized fashion no matter what
the subject’s race. This book contains many illustrations that demonstrate
clear racial distinctions in art.
As the authors explain, Egyptian artists were so careful about depicting
race that their work sometimes appears to be as much taxonomy as art:
“The oldest surviving attempt to construct what we may call
an ethnographic chart – that made in the tomb of the Theban prince Rekhm-Ra
about a century before the birth of Moses – distinguishes the Egyptians
and their neighbors by portraying the black-skinned Negro, the olive-colored
Syrians, the red-skinned Egyptian, and the white-skinned Libyan (then unmixed
with the Arab hordes) . . . .”
It may come as a surprise to some readers to learn that many of the
early inhabitants of the Middle East may have had typically North European
coloration. The authors speculate that before the arrival of the Egyptians
– probably from the Arabian peninsula – the Nile delta was settled by a
sandy-haired, blue-eyed people very similar to the Kabyles, who still inhabit
the hill country of Morocco and Algeria. The authors suspect that they
were descended from the Cro-Magnons whose remains have been found in southern
France. These “Libyans” were driven west of the Nile by the more powerful
Egyptians, and are depicted as having white skin.
To the East, Egyptians were also in contact with Amorites and Hittites,
who also are likely to have originated in Europe. They appear in Egyptian
art with the same light hair and blue eyes as Libyans, Greeks and the inhabitants
of Asia Minor.
Like many peoples throughout history, Egyptians were often ruled by
kings of lighter-skinned stock than themselves. Nefertiti, whose famous
bust depicts a virtually European face, was probably of Hittite birth.
The Philistines, who so harried the Israelites in the Old Testament,
were probably related to Spartiate Greeks. They were from Asia Minor and
established a small but vigorous kingdom in Gaza.
Egyptian artists who recorded battles between Egyptians and Philistines
depict the enemy as lighter-skinned and taller than themselves. The giant
Goliath, whom David killed with his sling, was following the Greek tradition
in calling for single combat between champions.
Prisoners of war, Negroid and Semitic.
As this book makes clear, Egyptian artists depict the Israelites themselves
as a clearly Semitic people. Like the Egyptians, their origin was probably
in the Arabian peninsula, though they appear to have emerged from it much
later. In Abraham’s time they were still nomadic tent-dwellers, and the
Egyptians among whom they sought permission to settle were much more culturally
advanced than they.
The Israelites had a strong tribal sense, bolstered by their belief
that they were God’s chosen people. They were fiercely racialist, and were
constantly urged by their prophets to disdain intermarriage. Nevertheless,
they mixed to some degree with the more European Hittities and Amorites
whom they displaced in their conquest of Canaan. King David is likely to
have been fair-skinned, and one of his most trusted lieutenants was the
Hittite, Uriah. King Solomon’s harem was one of the largest and most racially
varied in all of ancient history.
As the authors explain, black Africans are frequently represented in
ancient Egyptian art, but their role is almost always that of captive or
slave. Sesostrus I, a XIIth dynasty king of the 20th century B.C., conquered
parts of Nubia and established a barrier at the border to ensure that no
black would enter Egypt except as a slave. Egyptians regarded blacks as
indolent and superstitious but nevertheless favored them as slaves because
they were affectionate and faithful. They found blacks to have a very good
sense of rhythm but wrote derisively of their constant dancing.
The authors believe that one reason why the creativity of ancient Egypt
continued for 3,000 years while that of Islamicized Egypt lasted only a
few centuries may be due, in part, to different views on intermarriage;
miscegenation was much more common within the universalist embrace of Islam.
The authors also note that although blacks to the south were in contact
for thousands of years with the technology and learning of Egypt, they
appear to have absorbed almost nothing into their own societies.
Although this book is primarily concerned with establishing racial identities
of peoples it does not shrink from evaluating group accomplishments in
explicitly racial terms. A willingness to consider the cultural implications
of race makes this an invaluable and welcome volume.
On the debit side, the book assumes a more detailed knowledge of geography
and physical anthropology than some readers may have attained, though laymen
will still find it rewarding. The book’s greatest defect is its almost
complete lack of references – a surprising omission for a work that defends
positions many would find controversial. On balance, though, Race in
Ancient Egypt & the Old Testament is a thoroughly informative addition
to the Scott-Townsend catalogue.
This book is available from the publisher for $11.00, including postage.
The address is Box 34070, Washington, DC 20043.
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O Tempora, O Mores!
An experimental program that was supposed to persuade welfare mothers
not to have more children has been a complete failure. Participants in
the New Chance program had to be 16 to 22 years old, and to have given
birth as teenagers. Most were high school
dropouts. Two thousand three hundred women in ten different states were
stuffed with education, training, counselling, and advice on birth-control.
Eighteen months later, half were pregnant again – about the same rate as
similar women who did not get the uplift treatment. [Virginia Ellis, Welfare
mother plan fails to halt pregnancy trend, LA Times, 6/22/94, A3.]
“Kids to Feed”
The extended family of a Boston woman named Eulalia Rodriquez and her
descendants receive nearly one million dollars each year in government
assistance payments. She has been on welfare for 26 years; 14 children,
74 grandchildren, and 15 great-[+]grandchildren are also on welfare. “I’m
sick of people acting like I’m some crook,” says Miss Rodriguez. “We’ve
got a lot of kids to feed.” [source is February 1994 Boston Globe.]
Living the Black Life
Khalid Abdul Muhammad is the Nation of Islam (NOI) spokesman who gained
sudden notoriety for recommending that all white South Africans be exterminated.
Should NOI decide to implement a similar policy in the United States, Mr.
Muhammad could start with his own neighbors. He lives in a luxury apartment
building in Cliffside Park, New Jersey, in which he is perhaps the only
black. Of Cliffside Park’s more than 22,500 residents, only 370 are black.
Mr. Muhammad’s building has an olympic-sized swimming pool, tennis courts,
and a lobby filled with mirrors and leather sofas. The least expensive
apartment rents for $994 a month and the most expensive for $2,000. According
to his neighbors, Mr. Muhammad drives a Rolls-Royce. [Chrisena Coleman,
Khalid’s fancy digs, NY Daily News, 6/27/94, p. 3.]
Burnishing the Image
Congress established the Martin Luther King holiday in 1984, and set
up a federal commission to help organize the celebration. Although several
government employees were “loaned” to the commission, no tax money was
appropriated for it, and it was supposed to shut down within 20 months.
In 1986, Congress voted to extend the life of the King Commission for
another three years so it could “finish its work,” and supporters once
again promised never to ask for federal money. However, in 1989, Congress
appropriated $1.5 million to help the commission badger the states into
observing the King holiday.
That mission was accomplished in 1993, when New Hampshire became the last
state to enact a King holiday.
By then, devotees had come up with a new reason to spend tax money:
They were dissatisfied with the way people spend the King holiday. As Senator
Harris Wofford of Pennsylvania explained, “Nothing would have [angered]
Martin more than people supposedly honoring him by sitting on their duffs
watching the tube or sleeping late.” It is therefore necessary to spend
another $2 million tutoring the American people on the proper way to remember
We are to spend our day “doing the hard work of citizenship,” that is
to say, feeding bums, picking up trash, and tutoring illiterates. The House
of Representatives passed this bill without even debating it. The Senate,
after some debate, approved it 94 to four. [William Grigg, Honoring “St.
Martin,” New American, July 11, 1994, p. 35. Lott angers black leaders
with vote on MLK holiday, Commonwealth (Greenwood, Miss) 5/25/94.]
No other federal holiday has ever had a commission to help with its
Black History All Year Long
Florida Governor Lawton Chiles recently signed a bill requiring that
all Florida public schools teach black history, with specific emphasis
on slavery, the transport of slaves to America, abolition, and the contributions
of blacks. “Knowledge is the antidote to the poison of prejudice,” said
the governor, adding that black history must not be confined to a particular
month. [New florida law requires teaching of black history, Jet,
June 13, 1994, p. 29.]
In July, a family of Puerto Ricans went swimming in a river near Bloomfield,
Connecticut. A 14-year-old girl, Lydia Benitez, was caught in the current,
swept away, and drowned. A white man who was fishing nearby, drove into
town to get help from the Bloomfield police, who sent divers to the scene.
On three separate days, they tried to find the body but could not. Miss
Benitez’ family then consulted a priestess of Santeria, a Cuban voodoo-like
cult, who advised them to float a candle in the water. Several hours later,
the body floated to the surface.
A crowd of more than 100 family members and friends then decided to
take the body to a hospital, insisting that it be examined by a doctor.
One hospital turned them away, but at another, they forced their way into
the emergency room. There the Puerto Ricans started shouting, shoving,
and punching hospital personnel. Police eventually broke up the melee,
arresting nine people.
What brought this on? “Everyone was going crazy because we believed
they [the police] didn’t do enough to find her [the dead girl],” explained
family friend Johnny Maldonaldo. “They didn’t try hard enough because she’s
a Puerto Rican,” said another friend; “If that were a white person,
they would have found her the first day.” The girl’s mother also accused
the police of neglecting their duties out of racism. [James Barron, “Relatives
of Drowned Girl Charged in Fight at Hospital, NYT, 7/13/94, p. B5.]
1994 is the 20th
anniversary of Judge Arthur Garrity’s famous order forcibly to integrate
Boston’s public schools by busing. So many whites have either left the
city or given their children private educations that Boston’s schools are
more segregated than before the order. In 1974, the school system served
85,000 children, 49 percent of whom were white. Today it serves 64,000
children, 19 percent of whom are white.
Judge Garrity has no regrets. “I never have thought of what I would
do differently,” he said in a recent interview. [Schools more segregated
after 20 years, Commonwealth (Greenwood, Miss), 6/19/94.]
IRS Disciplines Blacks
Bureaucrats are wringing their hands over a study showing that black
employees of the Internal Revenue Service are three times more likely to
be disciplined than white employees. Regional commissioners will now be
evaluated quarterly on whether they have done enough “to address and lessen
the potential adverse impact of discipline on minority employees.” Translation:
They will be more reluctant than ever to discipline incompetent blacks.
The same study finds that Asian employees are disciplined less often
than whites, [Frank Greve, IRS finds racial gap in disciplining workers,
Bee, 6/18/94, p. A11.] but this appears to be of no interest to anyone.
The Race Marches On
National Council of La Raza is one of the nation’s largest Hispanic
organizations. Its efforts are unabashedly devoted to “la raza” or
“the race.” In July, 8,000 participants attended its annual conference
in Miami Beach. President Bill Clinton was the keynote speaker, and other
cabinet members who addressed the group included Donna Shalala (Health
and Human Services) and Henry Cisneros (Housing). Even the Commissioner
of the IRS, Doris Meissner, addressed “the race.” [Alfonso Chardy, La Raza
convention seeks unity, Miami Herald, 7/17/94, p. 1B.]
At the other end of the country, in Sacramento, California, Hispanics
were holding the 13th annual Chicano-Latino Youth Leadership Project. In
between workshops and seminars, the participants were frequently roused
with calls of “Who are you?” to which they were taught to reply, shouting
in unison, “California’s future leaders.” [Jeanine DeFao, Latino
youth learn value of uniting for better life, Sacramento Bee, 7/28/94,
Tucked away in the back pages of the Miami Herald was a small
article that explains what all this Hispanic whooping means. Jorge Mas
Canosa is a Miami big-wig and chairman of the influential Cuban American
National Foundation. He was recently interviewed for El Pais, one
of Spain’s leading newspapers, about post-Castro Cuba. When questioned
whether the United States might once again dominate Cuba, he replied:
“That’s bull****. They haven’t even been able to take over Miami! If
we have kicked them out of here, how could they possibly take over our
own country?” [Alfonso Chardy, Mas Canosa: U.S. won’t be able to run Cuba,
The New England Journal of Medicine reports in its July 7 issue
that two New Jersey residents have contracted malaria without leaving the
country. In both cases, recent immigrants from malaria-ridden countries
were found to be living within short distances
of the American sufferers. The authors write that Anopheles quadrimaculatus
mosquitoes, which are native to New Jersey, are fully capable of transmitting
There have been a number of confirmed transmissions of malaria in the
United States within the last ten years. In each previous case, illegal
Mexican immigrants were found to be the source. The recent New Jersey cases
are the first reported in that state in 30 years. [John H. Brook, Et. Al.,
Brief Report: Malaria Probably Locally Acquired in New jersey, New England
Journal of Medicine, July 7, 1994, p. 22.]
More Handouts for Non-whites
Many cities and states write non-white set-asides into their finances.
Whenever California, for example, issues bonds, it requires that minority-owned
firms get 15 percent of the fees. Woman-owned firms get five percent and
those run by disabled veterans [!] get three percent. There are so few
firms of these kinds capable of doing the work that white-owned companies
may simply find people in the favored categories whom they pay for work
not done. “The minority firms will literally get checks in the mail for
trades they weren’t aware occurred,” explains one non-white securities
Last December, Merrill Lynch underwrote a $409 million bond issue for
Dade County in Florida, which sets aside a certain portion of its underwriting
business for non-whites. A co-manager of the deal was AIBC Investment Services,
which had six employees and $65,000 in capital. Unlike most co-managers,
AIBC did not sell a single bond; it “coordinated” the transaction with
nine other non-white firms, and received $350,000 in fees.
Similar schemes are common for the management of public pensions. Many
states and cities require that non-whites handle a certain portion of their
business, which is sometimes handed off to minority-owned fronts for real
companies or to “companies” that simply collect fees. [Affirmative, yes
– but is it Fair?, Business Week, July 4, 1994, p. 74.]
Yet More Handouts
The Federal Communications Commission has quietly launched what may
be the biggest affirmative action program in the nation’s history. It has
set aside radio frequencies for mobile communications purposes to be bid
for only by non-whites, women, and small businesses. Approximately half
of the 2,000 licenses available in cities will be off limits to most white
men. One communications executive calls the program “without a doubt the
biggest affirmative action program in history,” and estimates that the
frequencies are worth well over half a billion dollars. “This is band-width,
you know,” says one astonished securities analyst; “You can’t ever
make any more of it.”
The Federal Communications Commission voted unanimously to tilt the
bidding against white men, [Edmund Andrews, FCC to reserve licenses in
affirmative action move, NYT, 6/30/94, p. D1.] and the decision
appears not to have caused the slightest ripple of complaint.
More White Crime
Cecil Calimee is a black man who used to work behind a ticket window
in the Chicago subway. Ticket takers are protected from customers by steel
bars, and although Mr. Calimee had been held up at gun point three times,
he had never been injured. In July, three Hispanics approached his window
and asked directions, which Mr. Calimee gave them. The Hispanics started
speaking among themselves in Spanish, then doused Mr. Calimee with a flammable
fluid and set him on fire. He managed to get out of the ticket booth and
rolled on the ground, trying to put out the flames. The Hispanics laughed
while he screamed in pain.
Mr. Calimee suffered 2nd and 3rd degree burns and will be in the hospital
for a long time. No arrests have yet been reported in this case. Mr. Calimee
was not robbed, so the motive for the attack appears to have been pure
sadism. [Bonita Brodt, He can still see his attackers – smiling, Chicago
Tribune, 7/29/94, p. 1.] Because Hispanics are a victim category but
not a perpetrator category, this crime will enter official statistics as
one committed by whites against a black.
The executive director of the NAACP, Ben Chavis, is in trouble. It was
recently revealed that he authorized a considerable payment to a former
co-worker as an out-of-court settlement in a sexual harassment case. Without
seeking approval of the NAACP’s board of directors, he authorized two payments
to Mary Stansel of $50,000 each, as well as six monthly installments of
$5,400. This much, or $132,400, has already been paid.
Mr. Chavis also agreed to find Miss Stansel a job outside the NAACP
that paid at least $80,000 a year and promised to pay her another $250,000
if he was unable to do so. It appears he was unable to do so because, he
says, she overstated her qualifications. Since the NAACP did not then come
through with the promised $250,000, Miss Stansel has sued for it.
The sexual harassment charges came to light only because of the suit.
NAACP board members are displeased that Mr. Chavis authorized six-figure
payments without their knowledge or approval, and some believe that he
tried to keep them from learning about the suit. Mr. Chavis denies the
harassment charges and says that he authorized payments only to avoid public
embarrassment. [Director used NAACP funds to settle sex harassment case,
Tribune, July 29, 1994, p. 12.]
Tales of Hoodoo
Two Louisiana women have gouged out their sister’s eyes because they
thought she was possessed by a demon. Dorothea Crawford and Beverly Johnson
are practitioners of hoodoo, which is a combination of voodoo and Catholicism.
They beat their sister and gouged out her eyes with their fingers during
a prayer session that was meant to cast out demons. [Women accused of eye-gouging,
Ste. Marie Evening News, 7/15/94, p. 3.]
Slavery on the Rise
In the East African nation of Sudan, slavery is increasingly common.
It is one of the consequences of a 12-year war waged by Muslim northerners
against black, animist southerners. Arab militiamen often raid a village
of the Dinka tribe, kill all the men, and enslave the women and children.
The price of a woman or child varies with the supply. In 1989, the going
rate was about $90, but now that raids are more common the price has
fallen to $15.
In Mauritania, to the West, slavery never really ended. It was not even
legally abolished until 1980, but the law has little meaning. An estimated
90,000 blacks are still the property of Arabs, and perhaps another 300,000
“freed” slaves continue in servitude because they have nowhere to go. [Charles
Jacobs and Mohamed Athie, bought and Sold, NYT, 7/13/94.] So far,
neither the NAACP nor the Congresional Black Caucus seems to have taken
an interest in this.
From coast to coast, beaches and public swimming pools are devising
new plans to cope with waves of savage young non-whites. This year, Huntington
Beach, California began to enforce a 10:00 p.m. curfew because bathers
cannot be trusted to behave themselves at night. In Orange County, Laguna
Beach is the
only town that does not shut down the beach at night. Some lifeguards now
carry guns and wear bullet-proof vests. [Sara Rimer, Beach Curfews Are
Clouding California’s Endless Summer, NYT, 7/12/94, p. A1.]
Venice Beach, one of California’s most famously carnavalesque, has been
particularly hard hit by feuding black and Hispanic gangs. In the past
14 months there have been 55 drive-by shootings and 17 murders. Blacks
recently distributed fliers in the Oakwood neighborhood that read:
“STOP SNITCHING. Stop calling the police on our young people
. . . . When you see black men carrying guns through your yard, support
him – Give him a hand full of bullets! Our youths are out there risking
their lives to protect you older folks from Mexican bullets.”
At a recent community meeting, a black woman explained the killings: “They
are using violence, gangs and drugs to get rid of minorities.” [Karen Brandon,
Sun, sand and now violence at famous L.A. beachfront, Chi. Tribune,
7/27/94, p. 1.]
In the Watts area of Los Angeles, six lifeguards in Will Rogers Park
were beaten up in a period of three days. One was beaten to within an inch
of his life. These lifeguards do not yet wear guns and bullet-proof vests.
In New York City, so many girls at public swimming pools have had their
bathing suits ripped off them by rampaging boys that the city is considering
segregating the pools by sex. Many girls wear oversized T-shirts over their
bathing suits to discourage molestation. Whites have long since been driven
from the city’s pools, which are used almost exclusively by blacks and
The usual dreamers say that the solution is to give lifeguards
“sensitivity training.” The administration of David Dinkins mounted a campaign
with the theme “Don’t Dis[respect] Your Sis[ter],” which appears to have
had no effect. [Douglas Martin, Segregating by sex at public pools considered,
Pit Bulls in the City
Although pit bulls are no longer the big news they were in the late
1980s, in some places they are more of a problem than ever. They are popular
in the black areas of Connecticut cities, where back-yard breeders have
produced wildly aggressive strains. Pit bulls are used as watch dogs and
in dog fights, but many escape from their owners and roam the streets.
In Bridgeport, citizens frequently call the police to report wild pit bulls
in their neighborhoods, and the majority of dog bite cases handled by authorities
involved pit bulls.
Blacks have also changed the rules of dog fighting. There used to be
strict procedures that at least ensured the survival of the looser, but
the typical ghetto fight is different. A courtyard or alley is blocked
off and the dogs fight to the death. “A lot of the dogs are so torn up
that they’re practically unrecognizable as dogs,” says a woman who operates
an animal shelter. Gamblers love dogfights and as much as $30,000 may change
hands in a single fight. [New horror Tale: Invasion of the discarded pit
bulls, NYT, 7/18/94.]
White Man’s Burden
Djibouti is an African “nation” about the size of Vermont, located on
the Red Sea coast. It was colonized by France in 1862 as a fueling stop
for ships bound for Saigon and Madagascar. When Djibouti was granted independence
in 1977, only three of its 320,000 citizens were college graduates, and
its only manufactured product was Coca-Cola.
Very little has changed since independence. Were it not for the presence
of about 6,000 French civilians and 4,000 soldiers, Djibouti would cease
to exist as a country. Its only exports are goats and sheep, which are
marched off on the hoof to Saudi Arabia and the gulf states. French aid
and business account for 60 percent of Djibouti’s gross national product.
[David Lamb, In Djibouti, independence has brought little change, LA
Times, 6/29/94, p. A8.]
In some other parts of Africa, where the European presence is less pervasive,
societies have completely collapsed and people are kept alive on international
charity. The United Nations estimates that one in every 30 Africans is
a refugee, either in his own or in a neighboring country.
In places like Sudan, Angola, Zaire, Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone,
and Somalia, there is essentially no government, and there is little distinction
between crime and warfre. Young men with guns but with no apparent leaders
or loyalty spread terror entirely as they please. This is why many of the
approximately 22 million Africans who have fled their homes are afraid
to go back even after “peace accords” end the official fighting. [John
Darnton, Crisis-torn Africa becomes Continent of refugees, NYT,
Another obstacle to normal life is the huge number of mines that warring
factions have scattered across each others’ territories. Mine sweeping,
even with modern equipment is difficult and expensive. Often, farmers and
children discover old mines with their bare feet.
Welfare for Workers
The city is the employer of last resort for New Yorkers. Nearly a quarter
of the working white men work for it, and almost a third of the working
black men. Only one fifth of the working white women are city employees
but one half of all the black women who work in New York City work for
city government. [Stats of the City, Our Town, 4/29/94, p. 3.]
Chickens and Ducks
Most people want to live with people like themselves. A study done by
the University of California at Los Angeles found that, on average, white
Angelenos tell a poll-taker they want neighborhoods that are 76 percent
white and 24 percent black, or 79 percent white and 21 percent Hispanic.
Hispanics want a neighborhood that is 88 percent Hispanic and 12 percent
black or 62 percent Hispanic and 38 percent white – a clear preference
for white neighbors over black. Blacks show the same preference for whites.
On average, they want a 50-50 mix if the other race is white, but they
want a 62-38 majority if the other race is Hispanic. [AP, People prefer
neighbors of the same race, Orange County Register, 11/29/92, p.
Abandoned at Birth
Every year, about 22,000 mothers abandon their infants in hospitals
after they give birth. They show up in labor, give false names and family
contacts, and leave as soon as they can. Seventy-four percent of the abandoned
infants are black, 12 percent are white, and eight percent are Hispanic.
It costs about $600 a day to keep an infant in the hospital, and about
a quarter stay for at least three weeks. [John Ritter, ‘Babies will keep
coming,’ USA Today, 12/2/93, p. 1.]
AIDS in Prison
From 1992 to 1993, the number of Illinois prison inmates with AIDS increased
seven-fold, from 25 to 177. That year, 23 inmates died of AIDS, putting
the disease ahead of cancer and heart attacks as the leading cause of inmate
In a study done in 1988 and 1989, a group of 2,392 new inmates in Joliet
Prison were tested for AIDS and 95 were found to have the virus. A year
later, the same prisoners were tested and seven more were HIV positive,
suggesting that they caught the disease in prison. [Jerry Thomas, AIDS
is top killer in state prisons, Chi Tribune, 5/2/94.]
Anything the government touches becomes an anti-discrimination nightmare.
Fair housing laws were supposed to prevent whites from keeping blacks out
of their neighborhoods, but have been hijacked by every conceivable interest
group. Realtors now police their ad copy for fear than an offending word
might launch a law suit. So far, most speech codes are voluntary and defensive,
but formal censorship may not be far behind.
“Master bedrooms” are now off limits since they might remind blacks
of slavery. “Spectacular views” might offend the blind. “Quiet neighborhoods”
might suggest a prejudice against children. Anything that is “executive”
hints of excessive whiteness. One fair-housing official browbeat a company
into withdrawing an ad for a Chester, Pennsylvania house described as a
“rare find.” Chester is mostly black, and it was reprehensible to suggest
that a nice house in a black town might be unusual. [Dale Russakoff, Housing-Ad
suits leave agents at a loss for words, Chicago Sun-Times, 6/7/94,
It has now been 30 years since pollsters started asking Americans if
they trusted Washington to do what is right all or most of the time. Government
got the best review the first year, 1964, with 75 percent of respondents
saying “yes.” That number declined steadily to about 25 percent in 1980
but rebounded to about 40 percent from 1982 to 1988 (during Ronald Reagan’s
two terms in office). In 1994 the figure hit an all-time low of about 18
percent. [Do We Trust Government?, Readers Digest, May 1994, p.
141.] Actually, it’s astonishing to think that only 30 years ago 75 percent
of Americans thought the federal government could be counted on to do what
was right all or most of the time.
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E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – I have to take issue with reader Joseph Bishop’s dismay over the
four Jewish speakers at the AR conference. I agree that as a group,
Jews may have much to answer for – but so does the apparently suicidal
or catatonic majority, whose acquiescence is absolutely necessary for their
dispossession. Is it not healthiest if perceptive Jews join the discussion?
Not all Jews are Ben Wattenberg or Stephen Jay Gould. For example, Lawrence
Auster’s brilliant lecture, published in the August issue of AR,
is the most cogent argument against multiculturalism I have ever seen.
In fact, I’m sending copies of that lecture to everyone I know.
Paul Neff, Cambridge, Mass.
Sir – Mr. Auster’s lecture and the review of Dr. Nelson’s book compliment
each other nicely. However, like so much of what appears in AR, these two
excellent articles raise – but do not answer – what I take to be the fundamental
question: Why are whites committing suicide? Mr. Auster points out that
the trustees of an exclusive white school hire a black woman who says she
intends to intimidate white children and make them feel guilty. Dr. Nelson
quotes Mexican newspapers boasting that immigration will reconquer the
southwestern United States for Mexico. Neither author explains why whites
permit such blatant attacks on their interests.
I suspect that AR is silent about the causes of white suicide
because no one really knows what they are. It is so wholly unnatural for
a people to march cheerfully into oblivion that those of us who do not
suffer from the prevailing insanity are baffled by it. Racialists and non-racialists
are as incomprehensible to each other as separate species.
Perhaps suicide is not the right term. Whites are not literally killing
themselves; they struggle as hard as anyone to advance their careers and
provide for their children. What has vanished is any sense of group identity,
without which the group must inevitably perish.
Why is it that a sense of the group, which is so obvious and natural
to all others and was once obvious and natural to us, has disappeared?
Surely, this is the great unanswered and perhaps unanswerable question
of our time. We can point out this fatal absence to our sleepwalking brethren
and hope they will awake, but it is impossible to save a man (or, more
correctly, a group) that refuses to save itself.
There are no social mechanisms to force group instincts to function
because there is ordinarily no need for such mechanisms. Perhaps we can
only hope that through persuasion and example we ca.: ;.ring back to life
the dormant instincts of our people.
Thomas Shorter, Denver, Colo.
Sir – The California Civil Rights Initiative (reported in the August
1994 issue) would outlaw racial preferences of all kinds in public employment
in the state of California. The intent of the initiative, however, is not
to protect whites. Its intent is to protect everyone from discrimination
in the public sector. As such the initiative is a strong assertion of the
basic principles of individual rights. Among our supporters are both blacks
and whites as well as people with different political affiliations.
Glynn Custred, California Civil Rights Initiative, Berkeley, Calif.
Sir – I was glad to see the “O Tempora” item about the increasing frankness
with which whites are expressing their feelings about non-whites. Your
report parallels my own observations: More and more whites have quietly
given up on the idea that integration and multi-racialism are desirable,
and many are willing to say so, at least privately.
I believe that what we may soon have in this country is a state of mind
similar to that of the waning decades of the Soviet Union. From the 1970s
on, it was commonly observed that although no one really believed in Communism,
all but a few brave souls pretended to believe in it. At least in the United
States, there is no tradition of locking people up simply for expressing
themselves. The attempt to pass laws that would punish “racist” speech
is, I believe, one of the dying gasps of a multi-racialist ideology that
knows itself to be seriously threatened.
Amanda Pope, Paducah, Ky.
Sir – I shook my head in disbelief as I read the item in the August
issue about the Agency for International Development. Federal bureaucrats
have finally decided that the techniques developed for illiterate thirdworld
peasants are probably appropriate for use in our illiterate thirdworld
ghettos. I suppose it is a step forward to recognize that inner-city Baltimore
has a lot in common with Upper Volta. But haven’t they noticed that none
of these techniques has worked in Upper Volta either?!
There is something about the liberal mind that seems to make it incapable
of even the most basic forms of perception, if what is perceived is likely
to conflict with a pre-conceived view of the world.
Name Withheld, Fairfield, Conn.
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