Atlanta Conference is
a Great Success
AR readers meet for
frank discussions about
by Samuel Taylor
More than 160 people, many of them subscribers
to American Renaissance, met in Atlanta over Memorial Day weekend
for a conference on the theme, “Race and American Civilization.” This was
probably the first time in decades that academics, clergymen, authors,
and journalists have met before a public audience to discuss the legitimate
concerns of the white majority. Participants came from as far away as France,
Canada, California, and Alaska.
Seated: Sam Dickson, Samuel
Taylor, Mayer Schiller.
Standing: Eugene Valberg,
Wayne Lutton, Joseph Sobran, Ronald Tacelli, Lawrence Auster, Michael Levin.
Ten speakers, including some of America’s boldest and most outspoken
thinkers on racial questions, treated conference participants to a variety
of inspiring and illuminating talks. Some were analyses of the problems
we face. Others were accounts of how current trends were set in motion.
Yet others were ringing statements of the essential rights of European-Americans.
The final session was a panel discussion with all the speakers, in which
the audience proposed ways to forestall dispossession. The entire three-day
conference took place in the comfortable elegance of the four-star Atlanta
Airport Hilton hotel.
The program began on the evening of May 28th with remarks by Samuel
Taylor, editor of American Renaissance. After
welcoming the participants, he described the dire consequences of permitting
current trends to continue. Most whites know very well that it would be
a catastrophe if non-white immigration and differential birth-rates reduce
whites to a minority. However, their resistance is private rather than
public, and takes the form of flight to the suburbs and private education
for children. Mr. Taylor pointed out that these measures only buy time,
and he ended his remarks with a call for public and political recognition
of the racial realities by which most whites lead their private lives.
Perhaps the first time in decades
that the legitimate concerns of the white majority have been discussed
before a public audience.
After Mr. Taylor’s remarks were met with a standing ovation – an honor
the audience accorded to nearly every speaker – conference participants
gathered for a reception. The convivial atmosphere continued afterwards
in a hospitality suite reserved by a delegation of Atlanta participants.
Discussion lasted late into the evening, beneath the national and battle
flags of the Confederate States of America.
The first speaker on May 29th was Prof. Michael Levin of City
College of New York. He concisely outlined the evidence for racial differences
in such traits as average intelligence, aggressiveness, and the willingness
to sacrifice today for benefits tomorrow. He pointed out that recognition
of these differences – which have implications for nearly every aspect
of our daily lives – is crucial to any attempt to solve America’s most
pressing problems. He concluded with a bold survey of the ways in which
employment, education, and law enforcement policies should recognize the
biology that underlies the divergent ways in the which the races behave.
Samuel Francis, syndicated columnist and editorial writer for
the Washington Times, followed Professor Levin. Marshaling his arguments
with the force and tenacity that have earned him the sobriquet, “the Clauswitz
of the right,” he left no doubt about the fate that awaits the Anglo-European
majority if it fails to act in its own interests. Drawing on his perspective
from within the Washington Beltway, Mr. Francis made it clear what little
effect the struggle between Democrats and Republicans has on the real issues
facing the country. He concluded with a strong appeal for a popular movement
that will force politicians to meet the demands of the majority.
Lawrence Auster, author of The Path to National Suicide,
spoke eloquently on how massive, non-white immigration has led to an across-the-board
assault on the legitimacy of the white, majority culture. Third world immigrants,
who leave behind unsatisfactory societies of their own, soon begin to blame
white America for the fact that they repeat in their new country the same
failures they left behind. Mr. Auster analyzed the liberal psychology that
accepts this preposterous misplacement of blame, and set forth a series
of principles that would have to be accepted by all races in order to live
side by side peacefully. Otherwise, he concluded, different peoples might
be obliged to go separate ways.
After lunch, Joseph Sobran gave a witty and erudite exposition
of how pervasive government intrusion into our daily lives was one of the
very things the Founders deliberately designed the Constitution to prevent.
Pointing out that “the Constitution is no threat to our present form of
government,” Mr. Sobran argued that federal “civil rights” laws are no
more legally justifiable than federal mandates on where citizens may smoke.
He explained that race relations, like virtually everything else that touches
our lives, are likely to sort themselves out in accordance with popular
desire and national good health only if decisions are left to the people.
Fr. Ronald Tacelli of Boston College followed Mr. Sobran with
a moving appeal to the ancient values that have governed European societies
and that we cast aside at our peril. As he explained, the affinity for
people like oneself is part of natural law. Fr. Tacelli gently chided American
Renaissance for sometimes dwelling on the shortcomings of other groups
rather than emphasizing the beauty of the traditions to which we are heirs.
He proved to be not merely a learned and articulate speaker but a very
amusing one. His good humor was a delightful leaven to the seriousness
of his message.
The day’s official program concluded with a talk by Wayne Lutton,
one of the leading critics of American immigration policy. He explained
the development of immigration law over the past 50 years, noting successes
as well as failures. The present era is one of spectacular failure, but
Dr. Lutton held out hope that such obvious disasters as amnesty for illegal
aliens and the tremendous strain that third world populations put on local
social services are mobilizing strong resistance. He ended with an encouraging
account of the grass roots anti-immigration movements that have recently
sprung up, especially in California.
Following Dr. Lutton’s remarks, Gordon Baum made a brief appeal to the
audience to consider joining his organization, the Council of Conservative
Citizens. C of CC, with chapters throughout the country, does practical
political work for the benefit of the white majority. Conference participants
then visited literature tables, where a variety of materials were offered
by activist organizations.
The next event was the banquet, where the mystery guest was to speak.
There had been considerable speculation about his identity, all of it wrong.
It would have taken nothing short of clairvoyance to know that he was Mayer
Schiller, an orthodox rabbi who teaches Talmudic studies at Yeshiva
University High School.
Rabbi Schiller opened his remarks with a moving description of some
of the characteristics that in his view make Western Civilization uniquely
beautiful: a firm sense of duty, honor, heroism, and fair play; a distinctive
conception of romance; and a compassionate sense of the plight of others.
This civilization was sure to survive, he maintained, come what may. Even
if his preferred solution – racial partition of the United States – did
not come about, there would be an in-gathering of the white diaspora to
its European home. But even then, even in a white-minority North America,
Rabbi Schiller confidently predicted the survival of Western Civilization,
a quiet burning of the flame that would emerge again to light the world.
The program for May 30th began with philosophy professor Eugene Valberg’s
fascinating account of the observations he has made about race during his
many years in Africa. He argued that unless black Africans are taught liberal
nonsense by whites, they are completely at ease with the notion of racial
differences in intelligence. Furthermore, years of contact with black South
Africans have led him to believe that the majority fully understand that
white rule is far preferable to black rule. Dr. Valberg also described
the pressures brought to bear on ordinary Africans that led them to vote
for a black government that will benefit only the elite that is in power,
and that will slowly destroy the only modern economy south of the Sahara.
The concluding speaker was Sam Dickson, an Atlanta lawyer and
long-time activist in conservative causes. He gave an inspired and entertaining
account of the liberal mind, explaining why liberals persist in manic activism
despite the failure of every one of their programs. Integration of schools,
of which we are celebrating the 40th anniversary, has been a breath-taking
failure, as has been that crowning liberal stupidity – the belief that
the laws of genetics do not apply to man. Mr. Dickson concluded with a
stirring call for optimism, noting that a life of majority activism is
not only rewarding but great fun.
The final session of the conference was a panel discussion, with much
audience participation, about how European-American interests can be promoted.
In addition to lively exchanges about the merits of different strategies,
the audience raised the subject of the prominence of Jews in liberal, anti-white
causes. The Jewish panelists responded in turn, acknowledging the traditional
role of Jews and explaining why they expected this role to change. The
conference concluded on a note of uplift and enthusiastic expectations
for future American Renaissance conferences.
It is difficult to imagine how this gathering could have been a greater
success. The speakers – all first-rate to begin with – were in top form,
and had the benefit of a thoughtful, well-informed audience that agreed
and disagreed with equal good humor. We have taken the first of many steps
to present our vital interests to a wider audience and to secure the broad
support that leads to success.
• • • BACK
TO TOP • • •
Open Letter to a
Former French Resistance
A young Frenchman addresses
the older generation.
First of all, I hope you were not one of those
who waited until every German had fled before putting on the insignia of
the French Forces of the Interior [the resistance movement]. If you really fought
the Germans I respect you because I oppose all occupation forces. I can
well imagine how those grey-green uniforms, that accent from beyond the
Rhine, and those virile marching songs would have been intolerable to you.
You may well even tell me that you despise the music of Wagner, that you
hate sauerkraut and everything about German culture. You did what you felt
you had to do to resist the imposition of an alien presence and an alien
But you, who resisted the other because he was German, who refused the
“enrichment” of Teutonic ideas, who fought and suffered so that France
would remain French, tell me this: How can you accept the waves of Africans
and Asians now washing up on our shores? They leave their spray-paint spoor
on our walls and on our trains and buses. Where they have become the majority,
their habits make life intolerable for Frenchmen – Frenchmen who watch
their neighborhoods decay and then flee.
With the help of their collaborators in the government and the media,
these newcomers are trying to impose their culture on us. Today we see
mosques rising everywhere and instead of the German music of your era,
we hear such tropical brayings as rap, the Lambada, and Saga Africa. You
– who shaved the heads of French women who succumbed to the charms of German
soldiers – what do you think today when you see white women walking hand
in hand with blacks and Arabs?
Every day you are harangued by radio and television about the joys of
racial mixing. You hear the government-sponsored calls to childless French
couples to adopt third-world children. And all the while, your taxes rise
because you must pay your part of a 240 billion [French Francs] social
welfare budget that is really the annual cost of occupation.
You risked your life to rid France of German culture, but I ask you
candidly: Was it worth the trouble? What have we gained, now that those
field-grey uniforms have been replaced with saris, djellabahs [the costume
of Morocco] and boubous [traditional African costume]?
You were lucky in a way. If today’s “anti-racist” laws had been in effect
in July, 1940, you could have been indicted and imprisoned for “inciting
hatred against Germans” with the very first tract you handed out.
What Was the Point?
What was the point of killing so many people only to get where we are
now? It could all have been avoided. Around 1942, François Mitterand
[former resistance leader, now President of France] could have said “The
Germans are at home in our homes,” [a phrase commonly used today about
immigrants] and Pierre Laval [vice-premier of the Vichy government, later
executed for treason] would have agreed. If you and Mitterand hadn’t
been so intolerant and Germanophobic we could have easily assimilated the
million or so Germans who were camping on our soil.
Couldn’t they have been naturalized, given the vote, and made into good
little Frenchmen like you and me? Wouldn’t that have been an earlier version
of the “cultural enrichment,” “tolerance,” and “openness to others,” about
which we hear so much these days? You may not like to admit it, but I know
you prefer Bavarian polkas to that execrable rap “music.”
Poor old boy, the people who sent you off to the wars in 1940 have certainly
made a monkey out of you. Since then, neither Gaullists nor Communists
have done much to preserve our people or our culture, have they? Your silence
is the silence of a cuckold, but I feel your quiet rage at having been
so cruelly deceived.
At your age perhaps we cannot expect to find you at our sides in the
fight against this generation’s occupation. But surely you will not be
displeased to see the rising power of the anti-immigration movement and
of those who wish to preserve the France for which you fought. For it is
we who now fight to justify your sacrifice, whose victory will ensure that
the comrades you left upon the field of honor did not die in vain.
This is a translation of an article that appeared in issue No. 19
of the French periodical, l’Empire Invisible.
• • • BACK
TO TOP • • •
The Long Retreat
Strom Thurmond’s political
career and the capitulation of the South.
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
by Nadine Cohodas
Simon & Schuster, 1993, 574 pp., $27.50.
Usually, we take it for granted that knowledge
and wisdom come with experience. We expect someone who lives in the forest
to know more about trees than someone who lives in the desert, and a mother
of six to know more about child rearing than a bachelor. Race is an exception
to this rule. Whites who have never met a black person think they can give
lessons in race relations to whites who have lived among blacks all their
The ideal background in race relations is therefore to have lived one’s
life exclusively among whites. This is why Sweden and Norway – both enthusiastic
supporters of Nelson Mandela – had the moral credentials to scold white
South Africans about
apartheid. Likewise, during what is called the “civil rights era,” Northern
whites felt qualified to tell Southerners they had got it all wrong and
should abandon customs that were centuries old.
Strom Thurmond in 1928
Curiously, the whites who have the most experience with blacks invariably
bow to the pressures of whites who know nothing about blacks. They warn
that the new order will be a disaster, but they comply. Decades later,
their predictions are borne out, but by then all whites are so deluded
and demoralized they cannot recognize the obvious: that the new order is,
in every respect, a disaster.
The career of Strom Thurmond, who was once a strong segregationist but
now votes for “civil rights” bills, is a portrait in miniature of this
strange and tragic process. This biography, by Nadine Cohodas, is a carefully
researched account of his political career, but because Miss Cohodas takes
liberalism for granted, she never wonders why Sen. Thurmond’s views changed.
Aside from this silence about a question that is, for her, not a question,
she has written a fair, readable, and very instructive book.
Strom Thurmond was born in Edgefield, South Carolina in 1902. His family
was of upper middle-class Southern stock, and he was reared to the good
manners and generous spirit of his class. His father, William Thurmond,
always had a kind word or an extra dollar for townspeople, black or white,
who were down on their luck.
William Thurmond was a small-time politician in his own right. At one
time he even served as campaign manager for “Pitchfork” Ben Tillman, the
fiery, segregationist South Carolina governor and senator who vowed that
when he got to Washington he would use a pitchfork to stick President Cleveland
– “an old bag of beef – in his old fat ribs.” As a small boy, already interested
in politics, Strom Thurmond never forgot Tillman’s advice on the importance
of a firm handshake.
The young Mr. Thurmond attended Clemson College, where he was an athlete
in five sports and an active club member. He practiced law for a few years,
but soon turned to politics, his one true love. At the age of 26 he won
his first campaign and was elected Edgefield County Superintendent. The
career that then followed was typical: elections as school superintendent,
town attorney, state judge, state legislator.
In his early campaigns, race was not an issue, since virtually no one
criticized the prevailing racial stratification. Like his father, Mr. Thurmond
simply took segregation for granted. He was cordial to all people, and
he represented blacks in his law practice. If anything, he prided himself
on the concern he showed for blacks, and in 1940, as a judge, decried Ku
Klux Klan violence against blacks as “the most abominable type of lawlessness.”
He was also vocally opposed to large-scale immigration to the United States.
In 1942, Judge Thurmond volunteered for combat duty and flew into France
with the 82nd Airborne on D-day. As a sitting judge and almost 40 years
old, he could easily have been exempted from service, but in those days
he was a fighter.
The year after the war he was elected governor of South Carolina. Once
again, the contest had no racial overtones, and he was, if anything, a
progressive. In his inaugural address, he called for more education for
Negroes, equal pay for women, and the right for women to serve on juries.
As governor he was proud of his work to improve the lot of blacks and spoke
of harmony and cooperation between the races, though always within the
traditions of the South.
By the 1940s, however, South Carolina was stirring. Although blacks
could vote in general elections, they could not vote in primary elections.
In a state dominated by the Democratic Party, the primary was the only
election that mattered, and Northern activists were stirring up black demands.
As early as 1944, the state legislature had seen the need to adopt a resolution
demanding that “henceforth the damned agitators of the North leave the
South alone.” They went on to say, “We indignantly and vehemently denounce
the intentions of all organizations seeking the amalgamation of the white
and negro races by co-mingling of the races . . . ,” and pledged “our lives
and our sacred honor to maintaining it [white supremacy] whatever the cost,
in war and peace.”
The most palpable threat came from the single most powerful Northern
agitator of all, the President of the United States. In 1948, Harry Truman
integrated the armed forces by executive order, and announced a major civil
rights program, including abolition of state poll taxes, integration of
interstate transport, federal anti-lynching laws, and a permanent commission
to enforce non-racial hiring. That same year, the U.S. Supreme Court had
ruled that racially restrictive property covenants could not be enforced.
Southern politicians and newspapers were virtually unanimous in opposing
Truman. Gov. Thurmond, like many Southerners, opposed lynching and poll
taxes but thought that these were concerns of the states and not of Congress.
Federal meddling in hiring decisions, was an intrusion into private matters
over which even a state’s jurisdiction was uncertain. Overnight, Southerners
became constitutional scholars, quoting the 10th Amendment and the doctrine
of enumerated powers.
The result was a strong call for revolt against Truman’s Democratic
Party. For years, the party had been the unquestioned symbol of resistance
against Republican Reconstruction, but “civil rights” were an outrage.
Incumbent Southern congressmen and senators were, of course, the least
inclined to bolt because it would have meant giving up seniority.
1948 was an election year, and many Southerners resolved no longer to
support a party that encouraged integration. They formed the States’ Rights
Democratic Party – quickly dubbed the “Dixiecrats” – and chose Gov.
Thurmond as their presidential candidate. “As the governor of a sovereign
state,” he said in his acceptance speech, “I do not intend that the rights
of my people shall be sacrificed on the block of blind party loyalty.”
He was also crystal clear about the principles that would not be sacrificed:
“There are not enough troops in the army to force the Southern people to
break down segregation and admit the Negro race into our theaters, into
our swimming pools, into our homes, and into our churches.” Even Miss Cohodas
concedes that his position was one of principled opposition to federal
tyranny, not racial animus.
The campaign was an exercise in pure principle. Gov. Thurmond had no
chance of becoming President, but he could neither support a Democratic
Party that had betrayed the South nor a Republican Party that had conquered
it. The Dixiecrat ticket carried only four states – Alabama, Louisiana,
Mississippi, and South Carolina – but by majorities that show just how
divided the nation was. Gov. Thurmond got an overwhelming 87.2 percent
of the vote in Mississippi and 79.8 percent in Alabama, and invariably
received the largest number of white votes in areas with the largest black
After the campaign the governor resumed his duties at the state house
in Columbia, but continued to show that he was anything but doctrinaire.
He appointed the first woman to the South
Carolina Industrial Commission and the first black since Reconstruction
to a state advisory council.
It was the courts that were
doing away with segregation in ways that democratically elected officials
Meanwhile, it was the courts that were doing away with segregation in
ways that democratically elected officials would not. As a deliberate counterpoint
to Mr. Thurmond’s life, Miss Cohodas tells the reader a good deal about
Judge J. Waties Waring, a South Carolinian who was an early integrationist.
He came from the same stock as the Thurmonds, and described his childhood
“Most of the Negroes I knew were ex-slaves and you loved them,
were good to them. We didn’t give them any rights, but they never asked
for any rights, and I didn’t question it.”
Judge Waring was only in part an exception to the rule that it was only
inexperienced outsiders who told Southern whites how to behave; he was
deeply influenced by his Yankee wife. Once she publicly aired her views
in a speech to Charleston’s black YWCA, saying, “you are in the springtime
of your growth when great achievements are attained.” Southern whites were,
by comparison, “a sick, confused and decadent people . . . full of pride
and complacency, introverted, morally weak and low.”
Nourished at home by thoughts such as these, Judge Waring consistently
ruled to break down Southern traditions. In 1947, for example, he ruled
that the Democratic Party was not a private club and that it must let blacks
register and vote in primaries. He ordered South Carolina either to admit
blacks to white schools or build black schools that really were equal.
(Under instructions like these, there was a period during which the state
spent less than $2 million building white schools but more than $5.5 million
to build black schools.) Judge Waring also required jurors of different
races to eat meals together by explaining – falsely – that separation of
jurors was a violation of law.
Judge Waring was significant for two reasons. He was one of that small
band of judicial activists who overthrew generations of Southern tradition
despite the massive disapproval of whites. And, unlike Strom Thurmond,
he was an integrationist when it took courage to be an integrationist.
Eventually, he was completely shut out of Charleston society and left with
his wife to live in New York City – but not before enduring icy opprobrium
of a kind that Strom Thurmond has never faced.
In 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court threw the South into turmoil with its
famous school desegregation ruling, Brown v. Board of Education.
South Carolina had anticipated a decision of this kind, and in 1952, voters
repealed a provision in the state constitution requiring public education.
The plan was to privatize all schools, if the alternative were integrated
Judges of the Waring stripe ensured that this evasive tactic would fail,
but they benefited from disunion even in the South. The resolve of whites
who lived among the largest concentrations of blacks was invariably undercut
by the concessions of whites who lived among few blacks. It was school
districts with only a handful of blacks that set precedents for integration.
Also, it was the mostly-white mountain counties of South Carolina that
first allowed blacks to register as Democrats. As always, those who would
suffer the least from the new order were the first to submit to it.
Power in Washington
By 1955, Strom Thurmond was in the U.S. Senate, where he remains today.
At that time he was still a strong fighter for the rights of states, and
in 1956 he joined 18 other Southern senators in signing a manifesto that
called the [M]Brown decision “a clear abuse of judicial power” and vowed
a fight to the end against forced integration.
In 1957, Sen. Thurmond called the U.S. Supreme Court “the greatest enemy
of the American people,” saying it was “nine puppets of the NAACP.” That
same year, he added to his reputation as the South’s staunchest defender,
when he set the record for a single-handed filibuster on the Senate floor
– 24 hours and 18 minutes – in opposition to a voting rights bill. He could
get no other Southern senator to join him, but his determination won a
flood of supporting calls and telegrams.
The very next year, Eisenhower used federal troops forcibly to integrate
Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. In fact, this was not quite
as high-handed a federal maneuver as it appeared, because Arkansas Governor,
Orval Faubus, had quietly agreed to integration, and the federal troops
faced angry citizens rather than state troopers or the Arkansas national
guard. The outcome of that confrontation might have been very different
if the state governor had been a man who could spend 24 hours at a stretch
on the Senate floor.
During the 1960s, Sen. Thurmond still had much of his old fire. He called
the epoch-making Civil Rights Bill of 1964, “the worst, most unreasonable
and unconstitutional legislation that has ever been considered by the Congress.”
He opposed Thurgood Marshall’s nomination in 1967 as Supreme Court justice,
pointing out that to credit him with legal victories was nonsense: “ .
. . a majority of the members on the Court would have so ruled [in favor
of Marshall] regardless of who had been the attorney in the case.” It was
in those years that one aid used to reply, when asked if he worked for
the government, “No, I work against the government.”
The 1960s also saw the senator’s final divorce from the Democratic Party.
He had despised John Kennedy’s platform – which he thought was pure socialism
– but had too much loyalty to bolt. It was in 1964, when Lyndon Johnson
picked the extreme liberal, Hubert Humphrey, as his running mate that the
senator finally became a Republican. He campaigned vigorously for Barry
Goldwater who, with the senator’s help, carried five Southern States.
The next presidential campaign was a turning point in the senator’s
life. In 1968, he worked tirelessly for Richard Nixon, thereby badly blunting
George Wallace’s third-party campaign. Why did he oppose a segregationist
fellow Southerner who was largely repeating the “Dixiecrat” campaign of
20 years previously?
Miss Cohodas does not even ask the question and suggests no answers. In
any case, the very next year, he hired his first black staffer, and started
openly courting black voters. As so many politicians do, he appears to
have put survival in office before all else.
By the early 1970s, he was explaining himself thus: “When I was governor,
the laws said the races should be separated. But now the law is different,
customs are different, public opinion has changed, and it’s an entirely
different situation.” By 1978, he was winning campaign endorsements from
South Carolina’s black mayors.
From about this point on, Sen. Thurmond’s career has been one of steady
retreat. From 1980 to 1986 he was chairman of the powerful Senate Judiciary
Committee, but did not wield power with anything like his old single-mindedness.
(To his credit, he cut one million dollars from the committee’s annual
budget, shearing away much of the bloat that his predecessor, Ted Kennedy,
The new chairman started favoring voting-rights acts that would have
given him apoplexy in the past. In 1982 he supported a bill that forbids
even the appearance of discrimination, thereby outlawing at-large
voting in many jurisdictions. He began to boast that in his state, 62 percent
of blacks were registered to vote, whereas only 50 percent of whites were
In 1983, he voted to make Martin Luther King’s birthday a national holiday,
and was happy to be named “legislator of the year” by South Carolina’s
14 black mayors. His support for U.S. Supreme Court nominee, Robert Bork,
was only tepid even though this was the first nominee in a generation who
might have understood his old views on the Constitution.
Senator Thurmond went on to vote for the Civil Rights Act of 1991, which
is an artfully disguised racial quota bill (see AR of May, 1992).
The vote in the Senate was 93-5, and he was proud to be among the ninety-three.
Here was a truly changed man, but not a man prepared to admit that he had
changed. As he now explains, “I don’t think I’ve sacrificed any principle
throughout my career, but times change.”
Indeed, times do change, and so do people. But can even Sen. Thurmond
forget the predictions he made of what federal arrogance, forced integration,
and intrusive government would bring – predictions that have largely come
true? Of course, for nearly 40 years, he has been on the payroll of a body
he used to call tyrannical. For nearly as long, he has faced a press that
heaps abuse on all his old principles and praises every step towards abandoning
them. He has also grown old. Age, money and respectability are powerful
forces, sometimes powerful enough to blind a man to the wisdom of his ancestors.
• • • BACK
TO TOP • • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
Separate but Dependent
A University of Chicago political scientist has found that 62 percent
of a polling sample of blacks think the Nation of Islam’s Louis Farrakhan
is “a positive viewpoint within the black community.” Fifty-six percent
of blacks also support the idea of an exclusively black political party.
They seek rights but not responsibilities. Eighty-six were opposed to the
idea of an independent black nation. [Survey finds growing support for
a black political party, SF Chron, 4/15/94.]
According to the New York Times, the Des Moines Chamber of Commerce
has trouble persuading businesses to move to the city because it is too
white. Some corporate leaders claim they do not want to set up shop in
a city that does not have enough “diversity.” Michael Reagan, president
of the Chamber of Commerce says, “We have a lot going for us: a growing
economy, a highly educated work force. But the image of homogeneity hurts
us.” [Dirk Johnson, White Communities: a corporate deterrent, NYT,
4/18/94, p. A8.]
Only in America
A Los Angeles
striptease club called the Odd Ball Cabaret has something called the shower
display, in which a naked woman bathes in view of customers. The Los Angeles
Disabled Access Commission voted unanimously to force the club to make
the display area accessible by nude dancers in wheel chairs.
[Scott McConnell, Why is this man whining?,
NY Post, 5/20/94, p. 21.]
Chasing a Mirage
An Atlanta-area black bar association recently held a meeting to discuss
the subject, “Disbarment: How to Combat the Trend Among African-American
Attorneys.” The audience learned that although blacks are only three percent
of the Georgia bar, they accounted for 21 percent of disbarments between
January, 1991 and September, 1993. The association’s newsletter reported
that “The presentation caused a flurry of activity and a mirage of
questions.” [“September Meeting,” Gate City Bar Association Newsletter,
Mrs. Bill Clinton has a personal staff of 13 people. All but one are
women. Her chief of staff, Margaret Williams, is black. [WSJ, 4/12/94,
Magic Runs Out for Babyface
Richard “Babyface” Jameswhite of Brooklyn, wanted for 15 murders, three
rapes, and untold shootings, was finally run to ground in Stone Mountain,
Georgia. The 20-year-old Mr. Jameswhite is only 5’ 5” tall, but was notoriously
dangerous. As The New York Amsterdam News put it, “even some who
consorted with Jameswhite breathed a sigh of relief at news of his arrest
because of his unpredictable nature. He was known to shoot at the slightest
provocation.” [Lester Hinds, Jamaican ‘obeah’ could not protect notorious
baby-faced killer forever, Amst. News, 5/7/94, p. 5.] That seems
to have been his problem in Georgia. Someone accidentally backed his car
into Mr. Jameswhite’s, and was promptly shot to death. Police made a quick
Mr. Jameswhite is said to have regularly shipped his clothes to Jamaica,
to have them treated with “obeah” magic. He believed this made him impervious
to bullets and invisible to the police.
Mixed Marriages Still Rare
In 1990 only about two percent of all married couples in America were
inter-racial, though about four percent of all marriages that year were
inter-racial. Whites and blacks are the least likely to marry outside their
racial group, with American Indians the most likely to do so.
Of all white
people who are married, only 0.01 percent of men and 0.03 percent of women
have married a black. If marriages were random with respect to race, there
would be 20 times as many white woman-black man unions and about 50 times
as many white man-black woman unions. Whites are more likely to marry Hispanics
than blacks. If marriages were random by race, there would be only five
times as many white-Hispanic marriage as there are now. Sixty-eight percent
of Asians and Hispanics marry without their own groups. [Interracial marriages
increase, but still rare, WSJ, 5/9/94.]
On May 30th, a dissident Black Muslim cleric named James Bess tried
to assassinate Kahlid Abdul Muhammad, a close associate of Louis Farrakhan.
Mr. Bess fired repeatedly at Mr. Muhammad, wounding him and five other
people. He was subdued and then beaten to within an inch of his life by
Mr. Muhammad’s supporters, who are said to be among the best disciplined,
most restrained blacks in America. If he had not been rescued by police
officers with drawn guns, Mr. Bess would probably have been beaten to death.
No charges have been filed in what could reasonably be called the attempted
murder of Mr. Bess. [Seth Mydans, Suspect Linked to Muslim Fringe Group,
NYT, 5/31/94, p. A10. Joe Shea, Shooter was booted from ‘nation,’
Post, 5/31/94, p. 5.]
Colin Ferguson was likewise subdued after he went on an anti-white shooting
rampage in a Long Island Rail Road car. He was more successful than Mr.
Bess, killing six commuters and wounding 19 others. However, he had the
good fortune to be subdued by whites. He was not injured.
One cannot help noting the contrast with a similar case in Mexico. Luis
Colosio, a presidential candidate, was assassinated at a political rally.
His assassin, too, was beaten nearly to death and probably would have died
without the intervention of security guards.
Louis Farrakhan and Khalid Muhammad have been making edifying accusations
about whites. During an appearance on the Phil Donahue Show (about two
weeks before the attempt on his life), Mr. Muhammad maintained that the
election of Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa was “a sham,” and
that Mr. Mandela is the front man for white supremacists who still control
the country. “No man can walk out of prison after 27 years and become the
President,” he said. Of course, if the races were reversed, it would be
impossible. Blacks would never give up power, so Mr. Muhammad cannot believe
that whites are doing so. Like many other blacks, Mr. Muhammad refuses
to take at face value the self-destructive policies pursued by whites and
cannot help but seek motives that are plausible to blacks. [Neil Graves,
Khalid calls Mandela pawn of supremacists, NY Post, 5/13/94.]
Earlier in May, at the University of Toledo in Ohio, Minister Farrakhan
told a black audience that whites deliberately refrain from stopping blacks
from killing each other because the cadavers are a rich source of organs.
When a rich white man needs a kidney or a heart, says Minister Farrakhan,
he says “get us a nigger.” “When you’re killing each other they can’t wait
for you to die,” he added; “you’ve become good for parts.” [Farrakhan links
race to transplants, NYT, 5/2/94.] Minister Farrakhan appears not
to know that organ transplants ordinarily work best when donor and recipient
are the same race. Like Mr. Muhammad, he seems to be imputing to others
motives that he, himself, would understand.
Fox Guards Henhouse
In April, 1993, the head of the Smithsonian Institution appointed a
task force to investigate how responsive the museums are to Hispanics.
The report, just published, lambastes the Smithsonian for failing to devote
an entire museum to Hispanics, for not hiring enough
of them, for “insensitive” displays, for “willful neglect,” etc.,
etc. Who led the task force? None other than Raoul Yzaguirre, president
of the racialist Hispanic organization La Raza (which means “the race”).
[Steven Holmes, Report criticizes Smithsonian on Hispanic focus and hiring,
5/3/94.] No doubt there are Hispanic activists who refuse to believe that
whites would voluntarily let such a man run the task force, and that he
must be the pawn of clever white supremacists.
Blackmailing the Feds
The May, 1994 issue of Government Executive magazine has an excellent
article on how the threat of bias complaints makes it impossible for many
white bureaucrats to discipline non-white subordinates. Federal workers
file twelve times as many discrimination complaints, per capita, as civilian
employees – eight for every 1,000 workers every year – but only 1.4 percent
of these complaints – half as many as in the civilian workforce – result
in findings of discrimination.
These odds do not make complaints any less effective, because it is
a bad mark on a white manager’s record to have provoked a bias complaint,
no matter how frivolous. Furthermore, during the year or two it takes to
process a complaint, the employee must be handled with kid gloves because
anything less may be called retaliation. These are some of the reasons
why, in confidential surveys, government managers admit that they give
unsatisfactory performance ratings to only one tenth of the employees who
Since the Civil Rights Act of 1991, the balance of power has shifted
even further towards people who scream “bias.” Government agencies are
now liable for up to $300,000 in damages if they are found to have discriminated,
whereas in the past they were liable only for adjustments in pay. The Department
of Agriculture has announced the defeatist policy that it will always
settle discrimination claims rather than fight them to the end. This means
that a non-white employee can virtually count on some kind of payoff, no
matter how preposterous his complaint.
Government Executive concludes: “[I]f the process cannot be reconfigured
to eliminate opportunist complaints swiftly, managers will increasingly
duck their disciplinary duties, and the government will increasingly be
run by the least competent but the most noisy.” [Leslie Kaufman, Bias or
Blackmail?, Government Executive, May 1994, pp. 22ff.]
Hulond Humphries, the principal of Randolph County High School in Alabama,
recently made news because of his opposition to miscegenation. He said
he would cancel the school’s prom if any inter-racial couples planned to
attend and called a mixed-race student a “mistake” by her parents. Mr.
Humphries was temporarily suspended by his local school board, but was
reinstated. The prom took place, and inter-racial couples were allowed
to attend. Now, in an unprecedented action, the federal government
has filed a civil rights suit to have Mr. Humphries fired. Never before
has the Justice Department tried to take away a private citizen’s job because
of something he said. [Thomas Hargrove, Nothing like suit to oust educator,
Denny’s restaurant chain has agreed to pay $54 million to settle
cases brought against it by blacks who claim they were either turned away
from restaurants or were given bad service. Lawyers will get $8.7 million
for their services, and black customers will share $46 million. The firm
that handled the case, Saperstein, Mayeda & Goldstein, is a specialist
in shaking down large companies in cases of this kind, and its partners
have become very rich. [Stephen Labaton, Denny’s Restaurants to pay $54
million in race bias suits, NYT, 5/15/94, p. A1. Benjamin Holden,
Denny’s chain settles suits by minorities, WSJ, 5/24/94, p. A3.]
It is clear that Denny’s had no discrimination policy, and decisions
to turn away blacks or make large parties of blacks pay in advance were
taken by individual restaurant managers. In a free society, that would
be their right. In a society ruled by racial hysteria, this is a crime
for which the parent company must pay more than $40 million.
In a celebrated school integration case in the mid-1980s, a federal
judge ordered Kansas City to raise property taxes and build the most lavish
public school system in the nation. The theory was that white students
would venture out of the suburbs to take advantage of fencing classes,
computers, Olympic-size pools, and professional-quality broadcast studios.
Whites have once again shown that race matters more than money. Kansas
City’s schools are less integrated now than when the super-magnet-school
program began. Furthermore, the test scores of the mostly-black students
who attend these luxurious schools are slightly worse than the scores at
regular schools. So far, the price tag for this exercise has been $1.3
[John McCormick, ‘Separate but equal’ again?, Newsweek, no date.]
The People’s Choice
Marion Barry, the former mayor of Washington, DC who was jailed in 1992
for smoking crack cocaine, has announced his candidacy for this year’s
mayoral election. His political comeback began in 1992 when he was elected
to the City Council. His campaign theme is “Lessons from the past, visions
for the future.” Mr. Barry, who calls himself “a seasoned leader,” claims
that “Washington must have a strong and visionary leader who knows
how to energize our people and guide the city to recovery.” [Jonathan Moore,
Barry targets crime, despair, Wash Times, 5/21/94. Tom Knott, I’ve seen
the tape and I’m not hopeful, Wash Times, 5/19/94, p. C2.]
The Rewards of Ingenuity
A Brooklyn woman, race unspecified, has emerged as the champion welfare
cheat. Using as many as 15 different aliases and claiming to have 73 children,
she has collected almost $450,000 in welfare over the last seven years.
Authorities are still not sure what her real name is or whether she really
has any children. Jane Doe, as she is called for legal purposes, was finally
caught when she applied for several passports. [Cheryl Wetzstein, Brooklyn
welfare queen’s scam sets record for aliases, ‘kids,’ cash stolen, Wash
Times, p. A1.]
Separate But Separate
Many black parents have decided that black boys should be taught in
separate classes by themselves. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)
and the National Organization of Women (NOW) have launched suits to prevent
this, but blacks are holding firm. As Jawanza Kunjufu, a Baltimore consultant
and separatist puts it, “The ACLU and the NOW organization think they can
decide that [how children are taught]. I think black parents need to make
that decision.” [Janny Scott, Boys-Only Classrooms: separate but equal?,
Times, 1/15/94, p. A1.] Perhaps white parents need to make the same
decisions about their children’s educations.
Taming the Savage
An experiment in San Francisco has shown that it is possible to run
an orderly housing project – but only under extra-Constitutional conditions.
Three years ago, the 576-unit Geneva Towers were ungovernable. Whenever
police responded to killings and shootings, they were pinned down by sniper
fire and assaulted with debris thrown from windows. They dodged television
sets, an automobile transmission, and even a dead body. The grounds of
the complex were as much as a foot deep in broken glass, the stairwells
and elevators were privies, the underground garage was filled with abandoned
cars, and nearly two-thirds of the windows had been smashed and boarded
In 1991, the department of Housing and Urban Development turned Geneva
Towers over to a private security firm. It hired 60 beefy, armed guards
who swarmed through the building, ejecting about 70 miscreant tenants.
They also set up surveillance cameras, forced residents to enter through
one well-controlled entrance, and took to frisking anyone who looked suspicious.
They also enter apartments without a warrant to search for contraband and
Ordinarily none of this is legal. Private law enforcement and tenant
consent forms do not necessarily make it legal. But it is effective. Not
one major crime report was filed from Geneva Towers in all of 1993, and
residents profess to be much happier. It is also expensive. Guards and
security alone have cost $3.5 million in just over two years. [Jim Carlton,
WSJ, 4/26/94, p. 1.]
This may be a first step towards a multi-tiered system of legal rights.
All-white areas will continue to operate according the norms of Anglo-European
civility; other areas are already operating differently and the law may
come to recognize this.
Fairness in Broadcasting
Since 1978, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has had two
ways of ensuring that non-whites have better-than-equal chances to acquire
radio and television stations. If a white owner sells a station to a non-white,
he may defer capital gains. This can amount to a very considerable saving
for the seller, so a non-white can pay less for the station than a white.
Since 1978, 275 television and radio stations, and 20 cable systems have
been sold to non-whites under this scheme.
The other method applies to whites who, for whatever reason, have lost
their licenses. They have the option of either simply going out of business
or selling the station to a non-white. The selling price is likely to be
well below market, but a low price is better than nothing at all. Thirty-eight
stations have been transferred this way.
The FCC also uses statistical methods to determine whether broadcasters
employ enough non-whites. Under the Clinton administration, the commission
has just increased the maximum fine it can levy against “offenders” from
$20,000 to $250,000. [Geraldine Fabrikant, Slow Gains by Minority Broadcasters,
NYT, 5/31/94, p. D1.]
For All Tastes
There is a new crop of magazines catering to interracial couples. One,
called New People, styles itself “the journal for the human race.” At the
bottom of its masthead there is a notice that reads:
“The use of the term ‘race’ and terms of racial classification
(e.g. white, black, interracial, etc.) does not mean that we acknowledge
any biological validity to these terms. We continue to use them only to
challenge conventional notions of racial classification, separation and
A competitor to New People is called Interrace. A recent cover advertised
articles entitled “Top 10 Interracial Turn-ons,” “The ‘Racially Ambiguous’
Woman,” and “What Color Hate?” It, too, has a masthead notice, which reads,
with no apparent sense of contradiction: “Our purpose is to dispel negative
stereotypes; to ‘accentuate the positive’; to offer a wide open forum for
differing views . . . .”
The newest offering in the genre is Biracial Child, “your guide to raising
happy, healthy multicultural children.” It is said to be “for parents of
biracial and multiracial children, transracial adoptive parents and interracial
families and stepfamilies.”
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E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – I commend you for a very accurate description of the extraordinary
transformation of Miami over the last 30 years
(AR, May 1994). 1 am one of those Gringos who live in one of
the remaining lovely and insulated neighborhoods you describe. Perhaps
the great natural beauty here seduces one into believing all is well.
Recently, I took the elevated Metro Rail into Miami. At the Downtown
Station, watching trains unloading their human cargoes, it was clear that
Miami is no longer a European-American city. I stood with associates on
the elevated platform (more than three stories high), and asked them to
gaze out to the West and North. As far as the eye can see, Western Civilization
has been replaced with something else.
The populations of these dreadful and blighted areas continue to grow,
and before long there will be too many people to support. Already, illegal
shacks of plywood and sheet metal are springing up in areas that have begun
to look like Rio, Caracas, or Guayaquil.
How any white American cannot reel at the prospect of the third-world
future of what was once a splendid American community is beyond my comprehension.
Yet, the media and churches continue to blow the trumpets of diversity
with ever greater intensity. Of course, the only group that must practice
diversity is the dwindling white portion of the population. All of the
non-whites zealously promote their own cultures and races.
Having lived through the changes of the last 30 years, I can say with
authority that I have seen the future and it is not good.
Frank Phillips, Coral Gables, Fla.
Sir – I strongly object to your referring to Mexican and Central American
Indians as “Hispanics.” That is an insult to the people from Spain and
Portugal. These Indians have scarcely any Hispanic blood. Why is it that
as soon as a Mexican crosses the border into the United States he becomes
a Hispanic? You should call these people what they are: Indians.
R. “Clyde” Pryor, Venice, Cal.
Sir – In the June article, “The Color of Crime,” you correctly reveal
that the crimes of Hispanics are included in “white” statistics. You also
mention that although Hispanics are not a perpetrator category they are
a victim category. The Justice Department has even issued special reports
called Black Victims and Hispanic Victims. Of course, there are
no special reports on white victims.
The article was somewhat vague on Hispanic crime rates. According to
the Department of Justice, Hispanics are four times more likely than whites
to commit violent crimes (while blacks are ten times more likely).
Robert Grooms, Michigan City, Ind.
Sir – I read with great interest your article on race and crime. Although
black criminals are certainly a terrible problem in this country, the potential
for mayhem among Hispanics may be just as bad. Consider the nation of Columbia.
It has a murder rate of 82 per 100,000 (as opposed to an American rate
of 9.3 per 100,000 and a rate among American blacks of 43.3 per 100,000).
Imagine an entire country with twice as many murders per capita as American
Every year, only three to five percent of homicides are solved, making
murder about as lightly punished in Columbia as under-age drinking is here.
Since the police cannot control the streets, Columbians hire gunmen to
do it for them. This elimination of beggars, junkies, muggers, and other
refuse is called “social cleansing” and is now taken for granted as the
only way to keep a city habitable. If immigration continues, the United
States will adopt third-world habits along with a third-world population.
Susan Miller, San Antonio, Texas
Sir – Rather than concentrate on the IQ deficiencies of blacks and the
cultural deficiencies of Hispanics, AR should discuss the deficient integrity
of whites. If the members of the Davidian cult in Waco had been black,
other blacks-whatever their IQs would certainly not have sat idly by while
they were attacked. Never mind intelligence, it is whites who are failing
the test by refusing to defend themselves.
Those who will not fight deserve their servitude. As Edmund Burke put
“When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will
fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”
Charles Wiggin, Fortson, Georgia
Sir – I have been in jail for the last 17 years, so I cannot attend
the conference in Atlanta. However, I wish with all my heart that I could
be there. I am heartened to see that there are people who have the strength
to say what must be said. Would that they had the strength and wisdom to
do what must be done.
S.M. Corbett, Lawrenceville, Va.
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