Racial Politics of
Policing in Chicago
case study of how white officers take the rap.
by James Henderson
Click here for
video of the Cabrini Green incident.
Green in Chicago is one of the most notorious housing projects
in the country. Horrific crimes by blacks against blacks are fast
and frequent. Some make the national news, as in the 1997 case
of Girl X, a young black woman who was savagely and
repeatedly raped, beaten, forced to drink gasoline, strangled
with her own T-shirt, and eventually left for dead in a stairwell.
She survived, but lost the use of her hands. A fellow Cabrini
resident, Patrick Sykes, got a 120-year sentence for the crime.
The welfare and degeneracy of
Cabrini make it the perfect incubator for a flourishing drug trade.
There are no whites in these buildings, with the exception of
the police officers who run up and down the stairs chasing dealers,
and the occasional walkup or roll through
by white addicts looking for drugs. Unlike Hispanic gangs, which
defend their territory against all comers, black narcotics dealers
are under orders from the top not to hurt white clients. People
who fear for their lives do not make good customers, and for black
gangs money trumps everything.
Routine arrest or vicious
Lately, Cabrini Green has been
less violent than it used to be, but only because, in desperation,
the city reduced the population by sending many residents to some
unlucky suburb. Still, as a country fellow might say, a half bag
of rattlesnakes is still a bag of rattlesnakes. The residents
are not shy about calling the police when they need help, but
they sometimes ambush responding officers with sniper fire.
This, then, was the scene of a
standoff a year ago between the police and members of the Crazy
Crew, which produced a media frenzy and the standard city-government
reaction when the crooks are black and the police are white: hang
the cops out to dry. This is the inside story of what happened,
and it is dedicated to the nations hard-working police officers
who are tired of race-baiting, and of being treated as expendable
garbage by politicians.
The Crazy Crew is the Cabrini
Green faction of the Gangster Disciples or GDs, who were once
the nations largest street gang. The very capable Larry
Hoover used to run the gangwhich controlled more territory
than Al Capone ever didand even after his 1974 conviction
for murder, he kept it going quite efficiently from his jail cell
in Joliet State Prison. Only after 1997, when the authorities
caught on to what was happening and transferred him to Terre Haute
Federal Penitentiary in Indiana, did the Disciples start falling
The GDs used to control killing
and drug dealing in a centralized, scientific way, but now there
is no organization beyond the block level. Most of the Crazy Crew
were kids back in the Hoover era, but they filled the vacuum at
This is the inside
story of what happened, and it is dedicated to the
nations hard-working police officers who are
tired of race-baiting.
It is April 17, 2003, approximately
10:30 p.m. The police have their eye on a van filled with known
drug traffickers. This is a Chicago neighborhood near Cabrini
Green that does a booming drug business, and police have just
seen a typical hand-to-hand transaction: Another known gang member
handed a brown paper bag to one of the men in the van. The police
roll up and officers recognize Rondell Nightfall Freeman,
the alleged shooter in two homicides, and Antonio P.M.G.
(Playa Money Gangsta) Parker, the named offender in
an aggravated battery of a police officer (he punched the arresting
officer in the face and got away, though the police recovered
narcotics and a gun). The officers can see these men only through
the front windshield because the other windows are heavily tinted.
The van pulls into Cabrini, which
could not have been better laid out for drug dealers if they had
designed it themselves. There are only two ways in, and the gangs
can monitor these easily while they do their business. There are
wrought-iron fences that keep the police from driving straight
up to the doors, so it is easy to make a hand-to-hand and disappear
into a building. For added tranquility, the gangs sometimes make
a false 911 call to a different part of town to divert the police.
This means uninterrupted business for at least 20 minutes. With
the lookout system, they almost always know the police are coming,
and this time is no exception. Someone in the van probably phoned
The van stops, but the occupants
refuse to get out. Hundreds of project residents gather, surrounding
the police and the van. The police immediately call for backup,
yelling 10-1! 10-1! (Officer in need of immediate
assistance.) over the radio. Police units start flying in. A sergeant
arrives, and officers keep the area around the van clear.
Under these uncertain crowd conditions,
you dont want to risk trouble by arresting everyone, so
the sergeant starts negotiating with the driver, Rondell Freeman.
The sergeant tells the group he wants only Antonio Parker, the
man who punched an officer, and if he comes out peaceably, the
rest can go home. Mr. Freemans response? F**ck you!
All the officers
know that if there is a hullabaloo the higher ups
will not hesitate to fire officers if they think that
will quiet angry blacks.
Part of the problem is the vans
tinted windows. Tints are illegal in Illinois, because an officer
doesnt know if someone inside is pointing a Tek 9 or a fully
automatic street sweeper shotgun at his head. In any
case, these gangsters usually have something to hide. The van
is shut up tight as a clam; the drivers side window might
have rolled down a crack once or twice
Residents start throwing rocks,
cans, bricks, and bottles from the high floors of the surrounding
buildings. These are the same people who call the police every
day. Babys daddy just jumped on me and I have a stomach
ache. I want him locked up, he stole my Link card
(used to collect welfare payments). Police also get a lot
of calls about violations of orders of protection, which are restraining
orders on people accused of domestic battery. Many men cozy back
up to their women, and everyone forgets about the order of protection
until the man spends the welfare money on booze or cocaine. Some
women suddenly remember the order and call the police if they
catch their man cheating. Now we are all the enemy.
A lieutenant arrives on the scene.
The negotiations with the men in the van go on while the crowd
grows. Even a guy in a wheelchair comes out to have a look. Its
still raining cans of corned beef hash, and the mob is getting
out of control. Fights are flaring up between residents, and the
police have to use force to arrest some of them. The lieutenant
calls for more assistance citywide.
The negotiations take 30 to 45
minutes, which is an amount of time astonishing only to anyone
not a Chicago police officer. There is an unwritten policy in
the department for handling situations like thiswhite officers,
black criminals, crowds of hostilesvery carefully. If the
least little thing goes wrong, there will be a stink and heads
can roll. All the officers know that if there is a hullabaloo
the higher ups will not hesitate to fire officers if they think
that will quiet angry blacks.
In this case, the men in the van
are going to have to come out one way or another. The police alternatively
beg, plead, insist and demand, until they are convinced nothing
short of force will do the job.
The lieutenant tells his men to
break into the van. An officer smashes a window, and police fire
pepper spray into the vehicle. Other men break more windows, both
so they can see inside and so the offenders can breathe. Officers
reach in through the broken windows and open the doors, igniting
an uproar from the mob and the people hanging out of the buildings.
More debris come sailing down on the police.
The scene is one of great confusion.
No one in the van follows directions. The passengers have to be
dragged out of the van, and if you have to get close enough to
a felon to drag him out of a car, there is no telling what he
may do. You dont know what weapons he may have, and you
must assume his sole purpose is to maim or kill you.
The officers order the four men
to lie down on their stomachs, with their hands behind their backs
so they can be cuffed. There are four or five officers for each
man, and some resist more than others. Nightfall Freeman,
the first man out of the van, is putting up the biggest fight.
Several officers have him on his stomach, but he refuses to do
as he is told. He is lashing out with his arms and legs, kicking
and squirming, and appearing to reach for his waistband. He is
known to carry a knife and maybe even a gun. Officers have to
assume he is going to pull out a gun and shoot them all. There
are no second chances or do-overs in police work; only trips to
the hospital, funeralsor successful arrests.
One or two officers start punching
and kicking Mr. Freeman. There is a simple logic here: Once he
has suffered enough he will do what the officers are shouting
at him to do. All the men in the van understand this: Lie still
and let the police cuff you, and the pain will stop.
In this case, the officers want
to be out of there as quickly as possible. With a Cabrini Green
crowd at their backs anything could happen. Now that white officers
have manhandled blacks, someone in the buildings might even open
The officers have to be persuasive
with Mr. Freeman. They could inflict more pain if they used batons,
but there are too many officers and they are too close to each
other to get a good swing without hitting each other. They aim
their kicks and punches at his sides, arms, and legs, and are
careful not to hit him in the head. He finally does what he is
told, and the officers cuff him. They get him to his feet, and
hustle him into a paddy wagon driven by Officers Joseph Groh and
Bryan Vander Mey. They drive him across the street to the 18th
There are no
or do-overs in police work.
Officers search the men carefully,
and find no drugs or weapons. The police ask if any are injured,
and whether they want to go to the hospital. They all say no.
However, a quick-thinking sergeant knows better. There is no telling
what injuries these felons could claim later, and he sends them
to a local hospital for pepper spray decontamination and an injury
check. A doctor finds no injuries, and signs a document saying
so. The Police Department sends an evidence technician to take
pictures. Again, there are no signs of injury. (It is best to
take pictures without too much warning. Suspects may bite their
lips to get blood and smear it around, or puff up their cheeks
to make their faces look swollen.)
Back at Cabrini, everyone knows
that some brothers had a dustup with the police, and
about 100 citizens march over to the station and start throwing
rocks and bottles. The commander doesnt want any trouble,
and orders the men to take only defensive action. He is as afraid
as anyone of a racial beef. The canine units go out to protect
the patrol cars, which the mob would love to burn. The officers
arrest a few people on misdemeanor charges, but no police are
injured, no cars are damaged, and the station is safe. The crowd
gets bored and goes home.
The next day, on the television
news, there was a grainy video [view
the video here] of the arrests at Cabrini Green, taken
from an upper floor of one of the buildings. The station ran the
video without the sound track; they wouldnt want to expose
their audience to a mob of blacks calling the police white
b**ches and white devil mother f**kers. The
news also failed to mention that everyone in the van had criminal
records, and was resisting arrest after more than a half-hour
of negotiation. The newscasters all mentioned Rodney King.
The then-Chicago Police Superintendent,
Terry Hillard (he is black, but it hardly matters) proclaimed,
without the need for any investigation, that a little more
than excessive force was used and that I have viewed
the tape, and I am personally upset about what I have seen.
He goes on to say: The Chicago Police Department has worked
too long and too hard in all our communities to build very strong
relationships with our residents. These types of incidents undermine
that relationship. At this point we have the typical switch,
and it is now the police who are on trial and the criminals who
are victims. In Superintendent Hilliards defense,
he has never taken a stand for any copper under the gun, so why
should he start now?
In the video, it doesnt
look as though Mr. Freeman is having a good time (see the video
at www.amren. com). However, if you pick a fight with the police
and decide not to do what you are told, you open yourself up to
some nasty moves, and it is all totally by the book. There is
no such thing as half way in police use of force,
and it is either warranted or it isnt. If you put up a fight,
In all the classic videos, including
the one of the arrest of Rodney King, look closely: Mr. King gets
the stick only when he makes a move. The officers are telling
him to lie still and he refuses. That is why they were acquitted
at their first trial.
In the case of the Los Angeles
cops, it was President George H.W. Bush who panicked after the
city went up in flames and told us the officers were guilty despite
the verdict. The police in Chicago did not need the President.
They had a police chief to tell the world they were guilty.
After the King incident, the LAPD
switched to the swarm method of gang-tackling an offender
to subdue and cuff him. That is supposed to be more humane than
clubbing him. At Cabrini, the police had to get up close to the
criminals and had no choice but to swarm them, but that is not
the method they prefer. Why not? Because the first officer in
the swarm stands a good chance of being punched in the face, and
not many officers want that kind of punishment. The academy gives
us better advice: Distance equals shielding. If possible, use
the baton, because if you can reach the felon with your stick
he probably cant reach you with his fist.
Pepper-spray, not a
In the Cabrini Green video, Mr.
Freeman gets nothing like the number of strikes Mr. King did,
but that makes no difference. You havent signed a contract
with the thug who is fighting you. There is no agreement that
says, OK, after five strikesfist or batonyou
promise to go down, and quietly let me put the cuffs on you; any
violation of the rules can result in serious litigation!
Sometimes it takes more than five strikesmaybe a lot more.
The armchair quarterbacks of the courtroom and the mayors
office should have to go out into the wild with the cops, and
see what it is like dealing with some of the worlds problem
How the politicians react to an
incident like this depends to a huge extent on factors that have
nothing to do with what an officer actually did. The most important
is how much media coverage there is, and whether there is a race
angle. A video tape that can be made to look like racists
in actionand that gets a lot of air timeis about the
worst thing that can happen to an officer.
Mr. Freeman filed a complaint
with something called the Office of Professional Standards (OPS),
and the city chose the two officers who drove him to the station,
Joseph Groh and Bryan Vander Mey, to take the fall. On June 1,
2003, OPS charged them with discharging pepper spray without
permission, and with battery of Rondell Freeman.
In fact, it is not entirely clear they even did the things they
are charged with, since the only evidence was probably filmed
from ten floors up, and is not much clearer than a Bigfoot
video. There is a pile of people, and there are some kicks and
punches, but its not at all clear who anyone is. There was
so much chaos at the scene that not even the other officers are
entirely sure who was doing what. The sergeant says he had pepper
spray in his eyes, and the lieutenant says there were men at the
scene he did not recognize.
As for spraying pepper without
permission, technically thats true. However, it is so common
to use pepper under circumstances like these, the lieutenant wouldnt
have thought twice about it. This is the sort of charge you get
in a political case. The local media said the police used tear-gas
grenades. This is pure sensationalism. Chicago police carry
pepper dispensers on their belts similar to the ones the public
Later, the District Attorney even
brought criminal charges against Mr. Vander Mey for which he is
likely to go on trial, but first a word about the Office of Professional
Standards. The department already had something called the Internal
Affairs Division, which looks into officer misconduct, so a second
bureaucracy wasnt necessary. The OPS was set up to improve
community relationsprobably to please blacksand encourages
the public to call if someone has a problem with the police. This
means OPS has become the perfect tool for anyone who wants to
stir up trouble against the police.
This, needless to say, includes
criminals, and if they have a cell phone chances are they have
the OPS number on their speed dial. Often, when an officer makes
a simple traffic stop, the driver is already on the phone to OPS
before the cop can make it to the drivers side door. Even
a completely baseless complaintthe huge majoritymeans
time-consuming paper work, and any working Chicago police officer
can expect to do paper on at least one complaint every
It is because of groups like OPS
that officers have to list the race of everyone they stop. OPS
says these statistics will affect only a small percentage of officers,
but affect means disciplinary measures. The message
is simple: Write up too many minorities and well drop
the hammer on you. These groups have never heard of racial
differences in crime rates.
How Mr. Freeman left
the scene that night.
Of course, the statistics also
list Hispanic criminals as white, which artificially
inflates the white crime rate, and makes blacks look less crime-prone
than they are. Statistics are a wonderful thing in the hands of
publicity-conscious administrators. An attempted murder can miraculously
become an aggravated battery, and a hate crime can
become a mere assault. As most any cop will tell you, a crime
is a hate crime only when the perpetrator is white
and the victim is a minority. All it takes is the click of a mouse
to sanitize an entire district, but even after all possible adjustments,
blacks are still the most serious offenders, and Chicago still
leads the nation in homicides.
The OPS has its own agenda. Lori
Lightfoot, black head spokesman for the office, went on a black
public access television program called The Munir Muhammed
Show and listed the names of the officers under investigation
in the Cabrini case before there were any official findings. This
is against policy, but the police department would not dare reprimand
a prominent black for this blatant violation.
On the program, Miss Lightfoot
failed to mention a little investigation carried out by representatives
from OPS, Internal Affairs, and the States Attorneys
Office. They visited the gym in Chicagos police
academy, where officers learn use of force guidelines, and showed
the famous video to the officer in charge. He quickly determined
that it showed standard procedure, not police brutality. He told
them the victims were, in fact, assailants. The witch-hunters
didnt want to hear this, so they went to the mans
immediate supervisor, who just happened to be a black woman. She
would certainly give them the answer they wanted. Wrong! She agreed
with the first officer. Nothing more has been heard of these opinions,
and both the officer and the sergeant have since been transferred
out of their jobs at the gym. Rumor has it that Miss Lightfoot
took her video (without the colorful soundtrack) to the Cook County
States Attorney, but was laughed out of his office.
None of this came up on The
Munir Muhammamed Show, where Miss Lightfoot was clearly
trying to fuel the racial fire and create a name for herself in
the black community.
One curious fact in this case
is that Officers Vander Mey and Groh stayed at their jobs for
seven months after the Cabrini incident. If the department really
thought they were violent, run-amok officersand all the
brass had seen the tapethey would have been off the street
immediately. At a minimum, they would have gone to a center that
takes non-emergency calls over the phone. This is a desk job a
suspect or injured officer can take and still be paid. Cops call
it crips and criminals duty. Some of the officers
who work in callback have even killed peoplejustified or
But no, the Cabrini officers continued
to work. Watch commanders continued to fill their gang activity
reports with information about the Crazy Crew. The reports regularly
mentioned Rondell Freeman as its leader. Members of the Crazy
Crew were the main suspects in a series of home invasions in the
Cabrini area, but the residents were afraid to testify about what
they saw. Watch commanders continued to warn us that these men
fight the police, so we were to use extreme caution around them.
The patch they hope
to wear again.
Rondell Freeman, the beating
victim, was arrested again on Jan.16, 2004, for violating bail
bond and for a weapons charge, after he was stopped for a tinted-windows
violation. Once again, Mr. Freeman would not get out of his car.
A sergeant had to be called in, but this time he got out without
a fight. Officers found a push dagger in plain view on the floor
of the car, where he had been sitting. They also found a group
of bullet holes below the passenger-side airbag. From the tight
grouping, it looked as though they were probably made with an
While he was being processed at
the station, Mr. Freeman threatened the arresting officers, saying
he had a working relationship with Internal Affairs
(IAD), and that he could have the officers transferred out of
the district. Mr. Freeman had a visitors pass to IAD in
his possession, which suggests the department had called him in
for a nice talk. Mr. Freeman has since been locked up again, for
getting into a fight at a nightclub.
Another passenger in the van in
the Cabrini incident was Adam Sanders. He has since been jailed
for stealing a truck. After he crashed the truck, he got out and
fought police officers, so he faces multiple charges of aggravated
battery, too. In an act of great creativity Mr. Sanders is suing
the department, claiming false arrest in retaliation for the famous
April 17, 2003 incidentas if the police slid a stolen truck
under his body.
There were other unsung developments
in the case. While the police had their hands on the Cabrini incident
van, they ran a search for a trap. This is a hidden
compartment built into a vehicle for storing weapons, drugs, etc.
They are hard to find, because it may take a sophisticated sequence
to open onelike turning on the air conditioning full blast
while tuning the radio to a specific frequency. In fact, there
was a trap in the van, but it was empty. In Chicago it is a misdemeanor
to have a trap in your car, but by the time police found it, the
case had blown up so big the top brass probably figured theyd
be accused of planting the trap in the car if they publicized
it. No charges were filed.
shielding. If you can reach the felon with your stick
he probably cant reach you with his fist.
In February, a Chicago paper ran
another scathing article about police racism. It was
a collage of stories, but the two main ones were the Cabrini incident
and one about a Chicago firefighter who allegedly said nigger
over the radio. The point was to taint all the stories with the
N word, and a creative newspaper artist can easily
link stories like this to 200 years of oppression and slavery.
By then Chicago had a new police superintendent, a white man named
Phil Cline, and this was too much for him. Two weeks after the
story, on March 2, 2004, he suspended Officers Vander Mey and
Groh without pay. The department had officially named their scapegoats.
The internal, administrative investigation
had gone nowhere because there was so little to build a case on,
but when there is enough media pressure prosecutors can build
a case against just about anyone. On June 3, 2004, the Cook County
DA charged Mr. Vander Mey with four counts of official misconduct
by a police officer, alleging that he assaulted the victim,
Rondell Freeman, while he was handcuffed.
This was more than even the media
had bargained for, and the papers noted that it was unprecedented
for an officer to face criminal charges in an incident that produced
no injuries. However, when a society is rotting, the latest outrage
is always unprecedented. When the media kick up a
fuss and race is involved, the unprecedented should
never be a surprise. In any case the accusations are preposterous.
Observers say no officer struck Rondell Freeman after he was handcuffed.
(Actually, there is nothing in
the use of force protocol that says an officer cant strike
a man after he has been cuffed. You may be in cuffs and on the
ground, but if you are kicking officers, you are fair game for
wrist locks, arm holds, baton strikes, and punches. If you have
an officers neck in a leg lock, he has grounds even to shoot
you. Most officers probably wouldnt, but they have to make
split-second decisions, and a mistake can be fatal.)
In any case, the main purpose
of the indictment is to pacify blacks and maybe even ensure the
re-election of States Attorney Dick Devine. The rumor among
police officers is that the word to charge Officer Vander May
came straight from Mr. Devine himself. Rumor also has it that
his subordinates warned against bringing such a weak case.
There are other signs there is
nothing to this case. Despite all the media hype, Jesse Jackson,
who lives right in Chicago, hasnt moved a muscle. Johnnie
Cochrans main office is in Chicago, but he has been quiet,
too. You can be sure he would be all over this case if he smelled
Even the DA knows he has a lousy
case. Several times, he has offered to let Mr. Vander Mey plead
to misdemeanor battery of the lightest kindit would carry
no jail time, and would be expunged from his record if he kept
out of trouble. Mr. Vander Mey has refused to plea bargain, partly
on principle, partly for practical reasons. He is convinced he
is being railroaded simply for doing his job and has nothing to
apologize for. Also, even a no-jail-time, no-record misdemeanor,
which would not be a handicap for most people, would be a big
problem for a police officer. It would be grounds for dismissal,
and he wants to stay with the force.
The fact remains that Officers
Vander May and Groh have been suspended without pay since March
2, 2004. They are not even at the non-emergency call center. Mr.
Vander Mays police administrative hearing has been put off
until after his criminal trial, and that could drag out
for another year. No trial date has been set. Mr. Grohlikewise
on leave without payis still subject to administrative hearing,
but his seems to have been put on hold, so he is in limbo.
In the meantime, these two officers
are off the payroll. An indicted cop has a hard time finding work
in his usual line of business, but Mr. Vander Mey managed to scrape
up a part-time job. With charges pending he cant carry a
weaponnot a pleasant situation for an officer who has put
away a lot of Chicago criminals and who is now famous.
Now, for the crime of leaving
the station to help officers in need, he faces four counts of
felony official misconduct. He doesnt have many
options. For a Chicago cop, a jury trial is suicide, so he will
go before a judge. Many jurisdictions allow a case that has already
been prejudged in the press to be relocated to a different jurisdiction,
as was done with the cops who arrested Rodney King. This has never
happened in Cook County.
thin blue line.
Needless to say, cases like this
send police morale straight to the bottom. If a man can face jail
time for doing his job, it makes cops hesitate when they are on
the street, and that can put their lives at risk. Even many of
the bosses are disgusted. Officers Vander Mey and Groh join a
long list of cops who have been thrown to the dogs because they
did their jobs, and the media blew it up into a racial incident.
The politicians and police brass
will do anything to avoid controversy, especially if there is
the slightest whiff of anything that could be call racism.
It is easier to sacrifice the little guys than do whats
right. Politicians stare at the crystal ball and try to predict
how the public will act. For the men on the force, it is a question
of guts; and they think the politicians dont have any. And
that is why you get the levels of crime, and contempt for the
police from blacks that you see all over this country.
Carl Sandburg famously called
Chicago the hog butcher of the world. The stock yards
moved out long ago, but the city continues to live up to its name.
Blacks still like to call police pigs, and any officer
who takes his job seriously knows that every assignment could
be his turn to be run through the meat grinder.
Mr. Henderson is a former police
officer who lives in Crystal Lake, Illinois.
• BACK TO TOP • •
lifelong liberal exposes anti-white media bias.
reviewed by Frank Borzellieri
Arrogance: Rescuing America from the Media
310 pp., $26.95.
any American with com-mon sense is aware of bla-tant anti-white
double standard, specifically media double standards. Over
the years, organizations like Accuracy in Media have emerged
to monitor and expose liberal bias, and conservative broadcasters
and pundits bellow about it. Even former liberals like David
Horowitz denounce racial double standards.
What makes Bernard Goldbergs
contribution to this field significant is not so much his
revelationsthough they are extremely interesting and
importantas his perspective. Mr. Goldberg worked as
an on-air correspondent and producer for CBS News for nearly
30 years. He has won seven Emmy awards. To this day he calls
himself a liberal. He supports gay rights, sympathizes
with feminism, has never voted for a Republican for president,
takes joy in the civil rights movement of the
1960s, and says he was moved by the speeches of Martin Luther
King. Mr. Goldberg raises some hope that there actually are
liberals in influential positions who still have some sense
of fair play, and are willing to risk the wrath of the establishment
by pointing out the obvious.
Arrogance: Rescuing America
from the Media Elite began as an op-ed piece about liberal
media bias Mr. Goldberg wrote for the Wall Street Journal
in 1996. Before the column appeared, he phoned CBS colleagueand
the most powerful man at the networkDan Rather to tell
him what was coming. He was worried Mr. Rather would not react
well to criticism of CBS, but Mr. Rather assured him, Bernie,
you were my friend yesterday, youre my friend today,
and youll be my friend tomorrow. Mr. Rather has
not spoken to him since the article appeared.
The article caused a small
earthquake within the offices of big media, and Mr. Goldberg
followed it up with his 2002 bestseller, Bias: A
CBS Insider Exposes How the Media Distort the News, which
went into much more detail. Although Bias touched on
race, this sequel, Arrogance, deals with the subject
in a much more profound and detailed manner.
There are few forces
on earth more powerful than white liberal guilt, Mr.
Goldberg writes. It has no known limits. In the hearts
and minds of plain old regular liberals, its bad enough.
But in the hands of journalists, white liberal guilt becomes
a very dangerous force indeed.
Mr. Goldberg asserts that
deep down, many of his colleagues suspect theyve got
it wrong about race, but cannot bring themselves to come clean.
He explains why: By hanging on to the old party line
for dear lifeand conveniently seeing anyone with contrary
views as racially insensitive Neanderthals if
not out-and-out raciststhey get to continue to do what
too many liberals enjoy doing best: bask in their own moral
This is why on certain extremely
divisive questions the press has only one opinion. As Mr.
Goldberg explains, The American Society of Newspaper
Editors (ASNE), an organization that represents every major
paper in the country, is downright obsessed with diversity
and affirmative action, concepts the editors apparently dont
regard as even mildly controversial.
Since all journalists engage
in group think, it never occurs to them that there can be
any other view on the issue. Racial preferences are not just
good, they are normal, and anyone who disagrees is
on the fringe. Of course, as Mr. Goldberg points out, love
of diversity does not extend to ideas or viewpoints.
How in the world,
he asks, can a journalist report fairly on affirmative
action and racial preferences after the organization for which
that journalist works has already taken sides? And not merely
taken sides, but declared only one position good and fair
and moral? How can he or she even pretend to represent honestly
the views of those millions and millions of decent Americans
who do not think affirmative action is an open-and-shut
moral case; who believe, to the contrary and with equal passion,
that affirmative action is nothing more than a nicer way of
saying reverse discrimination?
Mr. Goldberg put together
a television program about the controversy over Texas law
school professor Lino Graglias 1997 remark that blacks
and Hispanics do not do as well as whites in school because
their families do not care very much about education. After
it aired, he writes, a top producer on the programwhite
and very liberalcame up to me, shaking his head in disbelief
over what he considered the incredibly backward things the
professor had to say. Can you believe this guy?
he asked. The question was meant to be rhetoricalthere
was not a scintilla of doubt in his mind that I, like everyone
else in the wide world of big-time journalism, shared his
contempt for the professor.
But Mr. Goldberg replied,
I could, leaving the producer in shock. I
had covered too many stories for CBS News in what we used
to call the ghetto, writes Mr. Goldberg,
where that encouragement just didnt exist, where
kids were left to fend for themselves after school, where
there wasnt a book in the house.
In another illuminating anecdote,
Mr. Goldberg describes preparations for a CBS story on a group
of juvenile house thieves who were terrorizing a nice neighborhood
in Orlando, Florida. Before heading off to Orlando, his producer,
a liberal white woman, asked him, Are the juvenile delinquents
black or white?
I dont know,
Mr. Goldberg replied. I didnt bother to ask. Is
She replied, They need
to be white.
It was clear that the piece
would never air if the hoodlums werent white, so Mr.
Goldberg called his contacts in Orlando to see if it was even
worth the trouble to report the story. They were white, so
he did the story.
Mr. Goldberg seems to think
the rest of us have not noticed how often the media fail to
report the race of a criminal suspect, even the race of a
rapistwho is still at largefor fear of
offending blacks (in and out of the newsroom) because
they are afraid of feeding into racial stereotypes.
Never mind, he adds, that telling their
readers everything they can about the suspect, including his
race, might actually help find the monster preying on women.
Thats not important enough, apparentlynot in the
hands of deferential liberal newspeople.
asserts that deep down, many of his colleagues
suspect theyve got it wrong about race,
but cannot bring themselves to come clean.
Should the touchy matter of
a black-on-white hate crime arise, Mr. Goldberg explains that
the media practice good racial manners and bend
over backwards to make the assault look like nothing more
than a misunderstanding between the races.
Mr. Goldberg tells the story
of the Philadelphia Daily Newss August 2002 cover
story about the 15 murder suspects then on the loose in the
city. It put the mug shots of all 15 on the covernot
one was black. Before you could say, Racist,
he writes, the phones at the paper were ringing off
the hook. The callers were angry, not because they claimed
the story was false, but because of the impression it might
leave. Rather than defend the story, the papers
managing editor wrote a craven apology: The front-page
photos from last Thursday sent the message to some readers
that only black men commit murder . . . . In addition, the
stories didnt address a key question: Why are there
no white suspects on the loose? That was also a mistake.
In response, a Philadelphia
police official pointed out that white murderers were locked
up and black ones werent because blacks dont trust
the police and dont help them catch criminals. Mr. Goldberg
writes: If distrust of cops in the black community is
really so pervasive that it outweighs even concerns about
safety and security, that in itself would make a terrific
story. What is the police response to that kind of distrust?
To what extent is it legitimately the result of law-abiding
black citizens deeply felt sense that cops hassle anyone
whos black, and how much of it is a product of decades
of divisive antiwhite and anticop rhetoric put forth by black
activists? (He should have added, and white liberal
Think itll ever
be written? Goldberg asks. Dont hold your
The infamous cover.
White journalists are just
as supine in their dealings with black journalists. One black
reporter for the Los Angeles Times wrote in his memoir
that when a white woman colleague made a story suggestion
he didnt like, he wanted to grab her by the throat
and shake her like a rag doll. A black at the Washington
Post bragged in print about how, when he was younger,
he found that f***ing up white boys made us feel real
good inside . . . and that sometimes he wanted to take
one of those white boys where I work and bang his head against
a wall or stomp part of him in the ground . . . .
Mr. Goldberg asks the obvious
question: Can anyone even begin to imagine a white reporter
writing such words about a black colleague and living, professionally
speaking, to tell about it?
When there is a racial angle
of any kind to a story, the media can be counted on to give
it a liberal spin. During the summer of 2002, there was a
series of child abductions across the country that was regularly
making the news. In Philadelphia, a black child named Erica
Pratt was kidnapped, thrown in the basement of an empty house,
and tied up with duct tape. Courageously, she chewed through
the tape, kicked open the basement door, escaped through a
window, and screamed until someone rescued her. This was a
great story, and since black groups had been blasting the
media for focusing only on abductions of white children, the
Pratt case was the perfect opportunity for the media to display
they black or white?
need to be white.
would never air if the hoodlums werent
It soon emerged, however,
that this was not a typical kidnapping. Erica Pratts
family was deeply involved in the drug trade, and some of
her family had been murdered. There was clearly a drug angle
to the story, and the abductors knew her family. It appeared
that someone owed someone money, and that the criminals had
kidnapped Erica in retaliation. Her family were clearly losers.
The police knew this and local
papers reported it, but the major networks refused to mention
the family angle. Mr. Goldberg explains that this was typical:
I had a whole catalog of examples where politically
correct senior producers put concerns about race above their
concerns about telling the truth. They were always worried
about showing too many black criminals in jail even when the
prison was loaded with black criminals. They were worried
about showing a few black men looting stores after a hurricane,
even though the looting was happening on a Caribbean island
where just about everybody, including the cops who arrested
them, was black. And now, with Erica Pratt, it was looking
like they were going PC again.
Mr. Goldberg found out the
truth about the Pratt case only when he watched The
OReilly Factor on Fox Television. He wanted to
write an article about the way the national media covered
the case, so he called Jim Axelrod, the CBS reporter who had
done the Pratt story, and asked why he omitted the drug angle.
Mr. Axelrod would not comment. Mr. Goldberg e-mailed John
Yang, the reporter for ABC News, asking the same question.
Mr. Yang replied, Before committing to do this, Id
like to know what angle youre pursuing. When Mr.
Goldberg explained, Mr. Yang never replied.
Part of the value of Arrogance
lies in the attention it has received. Although Mr. Goldberg
writes about many of the medias ideological failingsfeminism,
the homeless, the militaryit is on race that he shows
the most insight. The shots he has taken at major news executives
have made him persona non grata in powerful circles,
but he says there is also a quiet circle of gratitude and
support for him among his colleagues. Needless to say, this
book does not even venture into the media hysteriaor
silenceabout such things as race and IQ, the displacement
of whites through immigration, the heritability of intelligence,
or the folly of promoting diversity. Still, within
the limits of what can be published today, Mr. Goldberg has
rendered a valuable service.
Mr. Borzellieri, a frequent
AR contributor, is the author of The Unspoken Truth: Race
Culture and Other Taboos. He has just published a sequel,
Dont Take it Personally: Race, Immigration, Crime
and Other Heresies.
• • • BACK TO TOP • •
Hispanicsare the key to GOP success.
reviewed by Stephen Webster
Immigration, Race, and the American
Government Press, 2003, 62 pp., $10.00.
have been many books and articles about the influence of
mass non-white immigration on the American economy, culture,
and even the national identity, but relatively few about
its impact on politics. In his latest monograph, syndicated
columnist and frequent AR contributor Samuel Francis explains
how race and immigration are altering the American political
There have been more than
30 million immigrants since 1970, and both political parties
are trying to appeal to these newcomers, even at the expense
of abandoning previous positions and constituencies. The
Democrats were the first to become dependent on non-whites.
Since the 1960s, blacks in particular have voted Democratic
overwhelminglyin the 2000 presidential election, Democrats
got 90 percent of the black vote. Because they are so dependent
on blacks, Democrats must treat people like Jesse Jackson
and Al Sharpton with respect. Hispanics are not quite so
loyal to the Democratic Partythey give it about two
thirds of their votesbut the increasing influence
of Hispanics in the Democratic Party accounts for across-the-board
support among party leaders for a full amnesty for illegal
aliens, bilingual education, voting rights for immigrants,
The irony of these
patterns of racial and Hispanic immigrant voting,
Dr. Francis writes, is that, while the Democrats have
become in many respects the prisoner of the black and Hispanic
racial minorities on whom they are dependent for political
success, the Republicans have become no less dependent on
a strategy and ideology that seek to attract the same minorities,
even though they have been unable to attract very many to
Whereas the Democrats really
do need non-whites, the RepublicansDr. Franciss
Stupid Partyonly think they do. As Dr. Francis explains,
this is because Republicans failed to understand the political
appeal of immigration reform after Californias 1994
vote on Proposition 187. This ballot initiative was to deny
public benefits, including education, to illegal aliens.
They myth inside the Beltway is that support for the initiative
killed the Republican Party in California, a state that
had once been critical to it in national elections. Until
2000, no Republican had ever won the White House without
The reality is that Prop.
187 passed overwhelmingly, with 59 percent of the vote statewide,
and enjoyed majority support among every ethnic group except
Hispanics (nearly a quarter of whom also voted for it).
GOP governor Pete Wilson, who had been written off politically
prior to embracing 187, won with 55 percent of the vote,
and the Republicans picked up four congressional seats in
California, which helped them take control of Congress for
the first time in nearly 50 years.
Any but the stupidest of
parties would have realized immigration was a winning issue,
but as Dr. Francis points out, there were many Republican
functionaries and propagandiststhe so-called neo-conservativeswho
were already beholden to the Open Borders lobby. When GOP
presidential candidate Robert Dole lost to President Clinton
in 1996, the neo-conservatives claimed it was the smoldering
resentment of alienated Hispanics, and not Sen. Doles
lackluster campaign, that cost them the election. They pointed
out that Sen. Dole received just 21 percent of the Hispanic
vote, compared to Ronald Reagans 37 percent in 1984.
This interpretation of Prop. 187 is so wrong-headed it approaches
Hispanic vs. Southern
One who doesnt.
What really cost Sen. Dole
the 1996 election was that he won only 46 percent of the
white vote. Although todays Republicans are loathe
to admit it, they cannot win anywhere without a solid majority
of whites. Earlier generations of Republican strategists
understood this simple fact, first enunciated by Sen. Barry
Goldwater in 1961, when he told an audience in Atlanta that,
Were not going to get the Negro vote as a bloc
in 1964 and 1968, so we ought to go hunting where the ducks
are. The ducks were mainly in the South, and this
was the origin of the so-called Southern Strategy, employed
by the GOP in its winning presidential campaigns from 1968
to 1988. The strategy, writes Dr. Francis, consisted
of appealing to whites, in the South as well as among ethnic,
largely Roman Catholic, and working class voters in the
urban and suburban Northeast, by invoking patriotic, moralistic,
and religious values and social concerns about rising crime
rates, eroding public morality, and the apparent inability
or unwillingness of the Democratic leadership to control
or stop such trends.
The Republican appeal
to white voters, Dr. Francis continues, also
included what was at least subliminally an explicit racial
appeal, a subtle message that, while not overtly stigmatizing
blacks or inciting racial antagonism, played on existing
white anxieties about blacks. When Republicans made
racial appeals, they won. When they did not, as in 1976,
1992, and 1996, they lost. Dr. Francis believes George W.
Bush made a weak racial appeal in 2000 by refusing to apologize
for speaking at Bob Jones University and by vetoing a hate
crimes bill passed by the Texas legislature. Because it
was a weak appeal, he won only 54 percent of the white vote
and lost the popular vote to Al Gore (in the five presidential
elections won by the GOP since 1972 it has won an average
of 60 percent of the white vote).
Still, by 2000, the Hispanic
Strategy had become the official GOP party line, as Dr.
Francis demonstrates with the following quotes. Republican
pollster Lance Tarrance: We have now moved from the
Southern strategy we pursued for the last three decades,
since Richard Nixon, to a Hispanic strategy for the next
three decades. Presidential advisor Karl Rove: The
Southern strategy is an old paradigm that past
GOP candidates had employed in a calculated bid to polarize
the electorate and put together a predominantly white majority.
Republican operative Ralph Reed: This is a very different
party from the party that sits down on Labor Day and cedes
the black vote and cedes the Hispanic vote, and tries to
drive its percentage of the white vote over 70 percent to
win an election.
Was this really
a racial appeal?
But does the Hispanic Strategy
work? Republicans first made overt appeals to Hispanic voters
in statewide elections in California in the late 90s. They
failed. George W. Bush made Hispanic outreach a key part
of his campaign in 2000, often speaking in Spanish and running
advertisements on Spanish-language radio and television
stations. He won only 31 percent of the Hispanic vote, about
what Republicans usually get, and only a few percentage
points more than the number of California Hispanics who
voted for Prop. 187! In the current presidential campaign,
Pres. Bush is once again pandering to Hispanics. He has
a group called Viva Bush doing Hispanic outreach, runs Spanish-language
television ads featuring the Mexican and other Latin American
flags, and even delivered a few lines of his convention
acceptance speech in Spanish. Yet polls show him only attracting
about 32 percent of the Hispanic vote. Blacks, of course,
are breaking for Sen. John Kerry by nine to one, and non-whites
as a whole by three to one.
In almost all cases,
then, since 1994, the results of every real political test
of the Hispanic strategy have been the same, Dr. Francis
writes: abysmal failure. However, when Republicans run on
immigration restriction, they win, as did Pete Wilson in
1994. When they run on pro-immigration platforms, as did
Robert Dole in 1996 and George W. Bush in 2000, they lose
(at least the popular vote). For all the rhetoric
of the new Republicans about wooing non-whites,
writes Dr. Francis, the lesson of the 2000 election
and every other recent election for the GOP ought to be
clear: Trying to win non-whites, especially by abandoning
issues important to white voters, while neglecting, abandoning,
or alienating whites is the road to political suicide; the
natural and logical strategy of the Republican Party in
the future is to seek to maximize its white vote as much
have now moved from the Southern strategy we
pursued for the last three decades, since Richard
Nixon, to a Hispanic strategy for the next three
To illustrate this point,
Dr. Francis cites UPI and Vdare.com correspondent Steve
Sailers analysis of the 2000 election. George W. Bush
won just 54 percent of the white vote in one of the closest
elections in US history. Had he won 57 percent of the white
vote (George H. W. Bush won 59 percent in 1988 with the
help of the famous Willie Horton ad), the election would
have been an electoral college landslide for Mr. Bush, 367
to 171. Even if securing that extra three percent of the
white vote had lost him a further eight percent of the non-white
vote, he would still have won handily. Whites are, and for
the foreseeable future will remain, the core constituency
of the Republican Party. The Hispanic Strategy will never
bring enough Hispanics into the party, and will only drive
away white voters. Had Pres. Bush not angered his white
base with his foolish amnesty plan, it is unlikely the 2004
election would be as close as most pundits predict.
What todays Republicans
dont seem to understand, and what makes Dr. Franciss
monograph so important, is that race matters. It matters
culturally and it matters politically. This is especially
true for whites, though most are too brainwashed to realize
it. As Dr. Francis writes, to an increasing degree,
American politics revolves around race and immigration and
the constituencies created by themnot around the traditional
white European-American core of American politics and government.
As the white European portion of the American population
continues to dwindle toward what the Census Bureau has repeatedly
projected will be a minority of the population by 2050,
and as mass non-white immigration continues unabated, white
voters and constituencies can expect to find themselves
and their interests increasingly marginalized and increasingly
irrelevant to the national political campaigns and candidates
of both major parties. Once that happens, Dr. Francis
warns, they and the country they have historically
led face an uncertain and alarming future with whites facing
the possibility of becoming a politically inert and powerless
racial minority in the new, majority non-white America of
the coming century.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
Ninety-two percent of the students
of Brentwood Middle School in Charleston, S.C., are black. In
the 2002-3 school year, Brentwood suspended 61 percent of its
students at least once and expelled 3.4 percent of them. A school
nurse says the school was total chaos that year. Many
of the students loitered around the halls all day rather than
go to class. The decibel level in the halls when there was
supposed to be school going on . . . was unbelievable, she
Brentwood performs academically
as one would expect. Fifty-two of the schools 842 students
are 15 or older, which means they have been held back at least
twice. This year, the district decided to move 11 of the over-age
students up to North Charleston High School, despite their failing
grades. If youre 16 years or older, middle school
is not age appropriate, explained a school official. A teacher
at the high school is not pleased: Weve got a failing
school here. How are we supposed to get any better if they just
dump on us every year? North Charleston High is 81 percent
black, and no fewer than 53 percent of its students are also over-age
for their grades.
Brentwood also discriminates against
whites, according to three white teachers who have filed lawsuits
with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) this year.
Even the school district admits that when Brentwood hired John
Smith, the black principal Wanda Marshall told him in the
eyes of the students, he would have two strikes against him, because
he was a white male. Mr. Smith claims he was rendered
totally ineffective in managing and instructing his classes
because the principal would not allow students to be disciplined
for racial slurs or other disruptive behavior towards white teachers.
On April 13, Miss Marshall told Mr. Smith he could not teach a
second year at Brentwood because he didnt fit in, despite
the fact that he had successfully completed his first
year of teaching. After the school learned that Mr. Smith was
going to file with the EEOC, school officials decided his first
year was unsuccessful. Mr. Smith wants to keep his
job. I want to continue to help these kids, he explains.
Former Brentwood teacher Elizabeth
Kandrac is also suing for racial discrimination. At the beginning
of April, she filed with the EEOC claiming the school ignored
her complaints about school discipline. Students used foul language,
misbehaved, and threatened and assaulted her several times. Once
a student threw a desk at her. The administration ignored her
complaints about discipline and criticized her for asking for
help so often. After she filed with the EEOC, the school responded
properly to her discipline referrals, and even kept another adult
in all her classes to ensure safety. On April 21, however, the
school told her not to come back to Brentwood because of safety
According to the lawyer for Brandy
Stokes, another white teacher suing the school, the Principal
Marshall condoned and facilitated a racially hostile environment.
Miss Stokes claims the principal let students harass her, which
only made them more aggressive. In her complaint to the EEOC,
Miss Stokes says the principal told her to accept the students
behavior because it was part of the students culture and
background. The principal reportedly explained that the
students did not have parental supervision and that this is the
way they were. The chaos culminated in Nov. 2002, when a
student punched her as she tried to break up a fight. The blow
broke a tooth, dislocated her jaw, and knocked her back on a chair,
injuring her spine. After three months of sick leave, Miss Stokes
asked to come back, but Miss Marshall refused.
Miss Stokes is not the only teacher
to suffer violence at the hands of Brentwood students. On August
11, two black sisters repeatedly hit white teacher Solange Brewer
on the arms and head when she tried to break up a fight between
them. The police charged the students with lynching,
which South Carolina law defines as any act of violence by two
or more people against another, regardless of race.
The district has transferred Miss
Marshall to a high school, where she is an assistant principal.
[Allison Bruce, Teacher Ousted for Own Safety, Post and Courier
(Charleston), April 22, 2004. School District Denies Racial Discrimination,
AP, July 30, 2004. Third Teacher Files Discrimination Suit, AP,
Aug. 28, 2004. Seanna Adcox, One Girl Still Held a Week after
School Fight, Post and Courier, Aug. 19, 2004. Seanna Adcox, Over-Age
Eighth Graders Moved Up to High School, Post and Courier, Sept.
Although it has abandoned its
official White Australia immigration policy, many
Australians, perhaps including present prime minister John Howard
(facing reelection this month), still see themselves as a nation
of European origin, and want to stay that way. This annoys some
Addressing a meeting of the Asia
Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) organization last year, Singapore
prime minister Goh Chok Tong told delegates Australia would never
really be a part of Asia until its population was majority Asian.
Over time, he explained, when theres more
Asians going to Australia and the population tips 50 percent non-whites,
and the rest white, they are immediately regarded as Asian.
Mr. Howard said he would not change
immigration policy in favor of Asians, calling the idea absurd,
and adding that Australia would never surrender its current identity
in order to join an Asian free trade area. [Malcolm Farr, Howard
Defends National Identity, Courier and Mail (Australia), Oct.
Black pimp Woodolph Romeo is facing
25 years in prison on charges that he forced two young white runaways
to work as prostitutes in Queens, New York. DA Richard Brown says
Mr. Romeo repeatedly beat and raped the 13- and 14-year old girls
and forced them to have sex with as many as 15 men a night. He
also kept them as virtual slaves from October 2001 until May of
this year, and made the 14-year-old girl tattoo his name on her
arm. In January 2001, police discovered the body of another white
teenage girl, Crystal Jones, suffocated in a Bronx flophouse.
Miss Jones had the name Romeo tattooed on her back,
and police have not ruled out Mr. Romeo as a suspect. Miss Jones
was part of a group of 10 runaways from Burlington, Vermont, who
were recruited into a prostitution gang operated by Jose Ritchie
Rodriguez, who is now in prison. Mr. Romeo was one of his lieutenants.
[Scott Shifrel, This Romeos Called a Pimp, New York Daily
News, Aug. 24, 2004.]
The reality television show Gana
la Verde, or Win the Green, offers Hispanics
the chance to win free legal representation from an immigration
lawyer to get a green card. The contestants try to outdo each
other at revolting and dangerous stunts, such as eating burritos
filled with beetles, fighting off barking dogs, jumping between
speeding 18-wheel trucks, washing windows on a skyscraper, lying
in a sealed coffin with rats, and eating worms. The show begins
with staged shots of each contestant crawling through barbed wire,
with simulated US Border Patrol helicopters flying overhead. The
program began on July 1 and airs in Los Angeles, San Diego, Houston,
and Dallas. It attracts one million viewers.
Although the show casts the contestants
as illegal immigrants, Lenard Liberman, of Liberman Broadcasting,
which produces the program, says they all sign a waiver claiming
they are here legally. (One wonders why they are so desperate
for legal advice.)
The show has drawn much criticism
from Hispanic and liberal immigration groups. In August, several
wrote a letter to KRCA-TV, the Los Angeles station that airs Gana
la Verde, asking that it drop the program: This show
takes advantage of peoples fears, offers them false promises,
functions as a magnet to encourage people to enter this country
without documentation, and makes them potential targets of our
governments misguided immigration polices. . . . Each day
Gana la Verde is on the air demonstrates your contempt
No one has yet criticized it because
it trivializes immigration law. Were just trying to
help people out here, says Mr. Liberman. I dont
know what all the controversys about. If we gave away breast
implants or plastic surgery, no one could care. But try to help
Maria go from a nanny to a nurse, and everyone raises an outcry.
[Jerry Seper, Going Extreme to Pursue a Dream? Washington Times,
August 18, 2004.]
Miriam Mirabal is a 61-year-old
Cuban immigrant and a high priestess in the voodoo-like Palo Mayombe
religion, which was introduced to Cuba by West African slaves
in the 19th century. Practitioners conduct ceremonies around iron
cauldrons containing human boneswhich is what led Miss Mirabal
afoul of the law. Prosecutors in Newark, New Jersey, say Miss
Mirabal ordered her followers to break into a Newark cemetery
to dig up bodies. They say she gave the remains to another Palo
priest who used them in ceremonies in the basement of a store
selling religious items. She has been charged on various counts
of burglary, theft and conspiracy. [Grave-Rob Priestess
in N.J. Trial, New York Post, April 16, 2004.]
Joys of Diversity
Last April 5, a group of black
students attacked a Hispanic girl at Maxine O. Bush Elementary
School in Phoenix, Arizona. Administrators and black parents dismissed
the incident as a lack of discipline or routine bullying. That
did not sit well with Hispanic parents, two of whomJuana
Mendoza and Juan Luis Galenoare suing the Roosevelt School
District, principal Walsdorf Jenneford, and several other employees
for $25 million, claiming the assault was racial.
There were 25 kids that
jumped (all) over my daughter, says Miss Mendoza, and
the $25 million was arrived at by our family, and we deserved
that for all the damages, stress and that, which started before
my daughter was assaulted. Its something that they need
to compensate us for.
The League of United Latin American
Citizens (LULAC) supports the parents. John Ramos, president of
the South Phoenix LULAC chapter, denounces an inability
of leadership to control the problem that has been festering for
27 years. I say 27 years because my wife was threatened in the
same fashion when she was a student (there).
The lawsuit also demands that
the school board fire the principal, train all employees in diversity,
and issue a formal letter of apology in English and Spanish. [Betty
Reid, Roosevelt Faces Bullying Claim, Arizona Republic (Phoenix),
Aug. 27, 2004, p. 1.]
According to the British Home
Office, Britain granted permanent settlement to a record 139,675
people from outside the European Economic Area (EEA) in 2003,
20 percent more than in 2002. (The EEA consists of the nations
of the European Union, plus Leichtenstein, Norway, and Iceland.)
Those settling in Britain cannot vote or receive full state benefits,
but they become eligible for citizenship after five years. The
number of non-Europeans granted permanent settlement has more
than doubled from 60,000 in 1997. Africans accounted for 32 percent
of this years total (44,565); immigrants from the Indian
sub-continent, for 21 percent (29,995); and other Asians for 18
percent (24,890). Compared to 1999, Africans were up by 65 percent.
More than 300,000 students came
to the UK in 2003, 24,500 from Africa, 24,725 from the Indian
sub-continent, and 112,380 from the rest of Asia. Britain deported
64,390 people in 2003, almost twice as many as in 1999. This included
immigrants refused entry, and those removed from the interior.
Sir Andrew Green, who chairs the
restrictionist British think-tank Migration Watch, noted that
although Britain rejects six of ten asylum seekers, it manages
to expel only one in ten. He also noted Britain issues 1.5 million
visas every year, but has no procedure to make sure visitors leave.
The British are getting upset about immigration. In the mid-1990s
only five to ten percent mentioned immigration as a concern, but
a recent poll found that now 56 percent do, making immigration
the top concern. [Home Office (London), Control of Immigration:
Statistics United Kingdom, 2003, August 24, 2004, http://www.home
office.gov.uk/rds/pdfs04/hosb1204.pdf. Sir Andrew Green, Let
Everyone In is a Dangerous Policy, The Times (London), Aug.
On February 19, three mothers
of children in a preschool run by Rhode Island College (RIC) had
an angry argument about welfare and race. One of the women condemned
interracial relationships and said non-whites have more rights
than whites. This offended one of the mothers (races of all the
mothers are unspecified, but it is not hard to guess), who ignored
attempts to apologize, and left in a rage. On February 27, the
offended party asked Prof. Lisa B. Church, coordinator of the
preschool, to bring the incident up at a meeting. Prof. Church
refused, saying she didnt think the school should be involved
in disputes between private individuals. The offended party then
insisted Prof. Church take disciplinary action against the outspoken
mother. When Prof. Church again refused, the aggrieved mother
accused her of discrimination.
On April 30, Prof. Church learned
that the offended party had complained to the university, charging
her with discrimination, intimidation, and violating the colleges
equal opportunity policy. This policy says the college recognizes
a higher order responsibility to create, promote and ensure a
positive climate where individuals may learn, teach and work,
free from discrimination. Prof. Church pointed out she could
hardly punish the outspoken mother for exercising her right to
free speech, but as the schools director of affirmative
action explained, [O]n the college campus, certain types
of remarks will not be tolerated, no matter what the intent.
The Foundation for Individual
Rights in Education (FIRE) is representing Prof. Church. It points
out that a formal disciplinary proceeding has a tremendous
chilling effect on free speech. [FIRE Press Release, Rhode
Island College to Try Professor for Refusing to Punish Protected
Speech, Aug. 24, 2004.]
On April 9, David Williams, a
columnist for The Daily Barometer, the student newspaper
at Oregon State University, wrote a column called A Message
From a White Male to the African American Community in which
he criticized blacks for supporting black public figures who have
behaved badly. He cited R. Kelly, who received musical awards
and an NAACP image award despite accusations he made child pornography.
Mr. Williams softened his column by conceding that there were
thousands and thousands of successful and upstanding black
role models and admitting that many would question his judgment
because he had not experienced racism, as blacks had.
Nevertheless, the column provoked
angry letters to the editor and a full-fledged rally three days
later. For me it wasnt as much anger, said one
black. It was disappointment that someone would have those
feelings. That someone would be so ignorant. One protester
held a sign reading, How far will the Barometer go?
The newspaper fired Mr. Williams
and published an editorial that said: We apologize to everyone
for printing the column. While the opinions expressed in columns
are not representative of the staff members of the Barometer,
we have a policy never to print material that is discriminatory,
racist or sexist. [David Williams, A Message From a White
Male to the African American Community, The Daily Barometer (Corvalis,
Ore.), April 9, 2004. Dan Traylor, Barometer Column Focus of Campus
Protest, The Daily Barometer, April 13, 2004. Taking the First
Step in Apologizing, The Daily Barometer, April 13, 2004.]
While most of the civilized world
expressed shock and outrage at the September 3 massacre of hundreds
of people (including more than 150 children) by Muslim Chechen
rebels at a school in Beslan, Russia, Muslims were largely silentor
Muslim cleric Omar Bakri Mohammed,
leader of the British-based sect al-Muhajiroun, says Western mistreatment
of Muslims justifies terrorism. If an Iraqi Muslim carried
out an attack like that in Britain, it would be justified because
Britain has carried out acts of terrorism in Iraq, he explained.
As long as the Iraqi did not deliberately kill women and
children, and they were killed in the crossfire, that would be
okay. Killing women and children deliberately is forbidden,
he adds, blaming the deaths on Russian forces.
Mr. Mohammed, a Syrian native,
was deported from Saudi Arabia and made his way to Britain in
1985. While the government reviews his status, it has granted
him a five-year stay in Britain. [Rajeev Syal, Cleric Supports
Targeting Children, Telegraph (London), Sept. 4, 2004.]
Mainstream reporting on illegal
immigration often descends to the maudlin, pitting lovable illegals
against heartless immigration bureaucrats. The more heart-breaking
the story, the better. Case in point: the Castillo family, formerly
of Clarion, Iowa.
In 1995, Mr. Castillo lost his
job in Mexico. He smuggled his familywife Patricia and children
Santiago, Veronica, and Alejandraacross the border, where
they caught a bus to Clarion, home of Patricias sister.
Mr. Castillo found work (illegally) at a factory while his wife
worked (also illegally) for Electronic Data Systems. The family
bought a house, were active in community events, and enrolled
their children (at taxpayer expense) in local schools. The law
caught up with the Castillos, and they were ordered deported.
The AP reported their preparations
for the trip south: It is sad. The kids just dont
want to go, Patricia Castillo said by telephone as she began
to cry. I tell them I would give my life if it is possible,
and my husband will do everything he can to try to bring you back
again . . . . Their friends were with them, hanging around for
hours and the whole time they were crying and crying and praying
and praying. Its so emotional.
Santiago, the Clarion-Goldfield
junior varsity quarterback, fought back anger and frustration
over the legal system that gave his family no other choices. I
dont want to run around like every other family, hide and
not be able to do anything, he said. Thats not
the life that I want and its not the life my sisters want.
The Castillos are presented as
model citizens whom the community is so sorry to see go that it
raised money to challenge the court order. Berta Alberts,
an interpreter and family friend who has helped the Castillos
since they first arrived in Iowa, said the people of Clarion dont
want to give up. The citizens of this community are trying
to do everything that is possible. This is a wonderful family.
Everybodys confused, asking what we can do.
Once they are back in Mexico,
they might apply for a student visa for Santiago so he can go
back to the school where he played football. However, he is such
a family-oriented boy, hes not sure he would return
if it meant leaving his parents and sisters. [David Pitt,
Mexican Family Gives Up Deportation Fight, AP, Sept. 1, 2004.]
Millions of blacks fled the South
to northern industrial cities during the great migration
of the first two thirds of the 20th century, but the trend is
now the other way. Between 1975 and 2000, more than 600,000 blacks
moved south, while the rest of the country saw a decrease in the
number of blacks. California, for example, once a prime destination
for blacks, lost more during the late 1990s (65,000) than any
other state except New York (165,000). The new migration is led
by college-educated blacks, who are flocking to cities like Atlanta,
Charlotte and Memphis, and to all southern states except Arkansas,
Mississippi and Louisiana. Demographers say the reasons are better
job prospects for blacks in the New South, an improved
racial climate, and strong cultural and family ties. [Go South,
Young Man, The Atlantic Monthly, Sept. 2004, p. 48.]
Austin, Texas-based Freescale
Semiconductor, Inc., once a part of Motorola, hoped to make a
big splash with its inaugural advertising campaign, placing ads
in national magazines like Time and Business Week.
The ads received a lot of attention, but not the kind the chip
maker wanted. The ads, intended to introduce the company to the
public, showed a lion hiding under a light-colored sheet with
holes cut out for eyes, ears and nose.
The image, which reminded sensitive
readers of Klan regalia, was interpreted differently than
we planned, explains spokesman Scott Stevens. Mr. Stevens
says the company pulled the ad, has fired the ad agency, apologizes
for insensitivity, ordered diversity training for employees, and
formed a diversity panel to review all future advertising. [Jane
Larson, Freescale Pulls National Ad Due to Insensitivity, Arizona
Republic (Phoenix), Aug. 27, 2004.]
In August, a Texas missionary
visiting Nigeria discovered seven black American children, also
from Texas, ranging in age from eight to 16-years-old, diseased,
malnourished and living in a local orphanage. He recognize them
as Americans from their accent. It appears that their adoptive
mother, Mercury Liggins, who is black, took them to Africa and
dumped them. The State Department has since sent the children
back to Texas, where Houstons Child Protective Services
(CPS) is looking after them.
Miss Liggins adopted the four
girls in 1996, and the three boys in 2001. CPS began getting complaints
about her treatment of the children as early as 1997one
staffer at a Boys & Girls Club said the kids were always
just telling us they were hungrybut authorities could
find no evidence of abuse. The agency got its last complaint in
September 2003, a month before Miss Liggins took the children
to Nigeria, where a friend lived. Since their return, the children
have told investigators Miss Liggins beat them with switches and
a cane, and said that if they told CPS about the beatings she
would take them to Africa.
Miss Liggins enrolled the children
in a Nigerian school and then went back to the US last December.
She continued to bank $3,500 a month from the state ($500 for
each child), but payments stopped for only the girls last March,
after she told CPS they were going to live with her mother. She
claims she sent the friend in Nigeria between $1,500 and $2,000
a month to support the children, but Nigerian child welfare workers
found them in a wooden shack and sent them to the orphanage. Authorities
are still investigating Miss Liggins and have yet to file charges.
[Adoptees Found in Africa Level New Charges, AP, Aug. 19, 2004.
7 Kids Found in Nigeria to Stay in State Custody, AP, Aug. 26,
Authorities may not have investigated
the Liggins case very carefully because it is so hard to get blacks
to adopt the many black children who are available. Adoption agencies
are looking for white adoptive families outside the United States,
and are keen on Canada. The Open Door Adoption Agency in Augusta,
Georgia, has sent black children to 150 white Canadian families
since the 1990s and Adoption-Link, Inc., of Chicago has sent 70.
Canadians, says Open Doors
Walter Gilbert, live in a multicultural society for the
most part, and these children blend right in and are wonderfully
well accepted. The one difference, explains
Margaret Fleming of Adoption-Link, is that there is not
the degree of racism against black people as in the United States.
Darker-skinned people are often viewed as unusual or exotic. But
they dont have the same history of slavery and racism we
Many blacks think black children
should have black parents, and dont want whites to adopt
them. [Sheila M. Poole, Canadians Adopting Black U.S. Children,
Cox News Service, Aug. 28, 2004.]
A black sorority, Zeta Phi Beta,
is working with the US Department of Energy to promote the silly
idea that the Human Genome Project proves there is no such thing
as race. They are sponsoring seminars across the country to get
the word out, particularly to non-whites.
The audience at a seminar last
year in Tuscaloosa, Alabama, can be forgiven if the discussion
left it confused. On the one hand, University of Alabama assistant
professor of biology Guy Caldwell explained that the project proved
there really is no scientific basis for race. Our concept
of race is a social construct that doesnt exist in DNA,
he said. Our DNA says that we are 99.9 percent the same.
And as far as DNA is concerned, were all one race. When
we understand that basic thing, it does away with the stigmatisms
(sic). The professor then went on to say the Human
Genome Project would help scientists discover the racial
link to disease, which would force drug companies to spend
a lot of money developing medicines for particular groups. He
said some drug companies were otherwise not likely to develop
race-specific drugs because there wouldnt be much profit
in them. [Tiffany Lacey, Were All One Race,
Says Genome Project Speaker, Tuscaloosa News, Feb. 23, 2004, p.
We reprint the following item
from the Hindustan Times verbatim and in toto:
A woman was hacked to death
allegedly by her husband to propitiate the Goddess Kali to cure
their son who was said to be under the influence of a ghost in
the Rajpur region of Dehra Dun.
Bharat Lal was offering
prayers at the Kali temple along with his wife Kamla Devi when
he hacked her to death with a sharp-edged weapon last evening
as the couples three children watched, police said.
Lal also cut off his wifes
tongue and ate it before setting her body on fire.
The gory incident took place
in the presence of the couples three children. Lal has been
arrested and a case of murder has been registered against him.
During interrogation Lal
admitted killing his wife. [Man Sacrifices Wife, Eats Her
Tongue, HindustanTimes.com, July 10, 2004.]
Liberal Opens One Eye
Someone once said the purpose
of a college education is to give people the proper attitude towards
blacks and the means to live as far away from them as possible.
What happens to a person who has the proper attitude but not the
Michele Kirsch, a liberal New
Yorker living in London, found herself with a low income and a
growing family. She moved with her husband and children into a
council estate, the British equivalent of public housing.
Nearly everyone was black, and Miss Kirsch was excited about living
in a place where black guys went with white girls and had
beautiful children. It was Benetton on the dole, and I thought
it was great.
Her attitude began to change when
her upstairs neighbor, a black woman, began throwing trash into
her garden. The woman called her a white bitch for
telling her and her sons to stop throwing trash. The woman had
a boyfriend who would urinate in her garden, holding his organ
in one hand while he ate fried chicken with the other. She was
so disgusted by this she wrote about it for a British newspaper.
A black friend said this was racist.
What was interesting,
Miss Kirsch writes, was that I hadnt said he was black.
Though he was. It didnt seem important. It was the stench
of his urine, not the color of his skin that upset me . . . .
I started to ask myself some uncomfortable questions, which reached
a frenzied liberal height when my then 4 1/ 2-year-old daughter
announced, after another incident with the . . . woman upstairs,
that she didnt like black people. I grabbed her by the shoulders
and shrieked: You dont mean that! Dont say that!
Miss Kirsch made sure to feed her daughter positive images of
blacksshe even gave her a black doll.
Later, from her living-room window,
she saw one drug-addled black kill another drug-addled black.
Miss Kirsch and her family then moved to another housing project,
but found the same problems. It started to get ugly, a couple
of years in, when one kid started to call my daughter names, all
prefaced by white, so it was white witch, white poison,
ugly white face. I wanted to kill this kid, who was all of six
or seven, but I had learnt my lesson from the last estate. Head
down, dont complain about the kids, dont make eye
contact with the parents. Her children soon stopped playing
outdoors, and once her daughter had to be escorted home by a local
shopkeeper because blacks bullied her on the way to the store
and she was too scared to leave. A pit bull that roamed the project
menaced her and her family as did a gang of young blacks. As soon
as they could afford it, Miss Kirsch and her family moved to a
white part of London.
. . . I felt relieved.
All of us did . . . . My nervous children were replaced by relaxed,
happy and confident ones. My daughter started going to the shop
on her own again. My husband loved to walk down the road after
work and see loads of people coming home from work as well, something
he didnt see so much in the estate. In other words,
escaping from blacks made Miss Kirsch and her family, in her words,
obnoxiously happy. [Michele Kirsch, How My Multicultural
Dream Went Sour, The Times (London), Aug. 5, 2004, p. 4.]
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| L E T T E R S
F R O M R E A D E R S
SirThank you for the excellent
article by Stephen Webster about the visa lottery program. I try
to keep up on immigration matters, but had forgotten all about
the lottery. That our country should choose its inhabitants this
way is, of course, disgraceful, but it fits perfectly with the
liberal view. Liberals often describe mass immigration as a tribute
to American societyimmigrants want to come because our country
is so wonderful. They then get confused, and say that accepting
this tribute is one of the reasons we are wonderful. I wonder
if it doesnt give liberals a little thrill to think America
is so great that the right to live here is like the jackpot in
Of course, non-whites come in
such large numbers because they have failed to build countries
that work and, if we let them, they will keep coming until America
is as miserable as the countries they leave behind. I suppose
it should not be surprising that liberals fail to understand this,
since there are so many other things they fail to understand.
Paul Anderson, Hoboken, N. J.
SirI was surfing
the Internet, and landed on your site. I live in Belgium. Thanks
for the kind words you have said about the Vlaams Blok.
It is the only party that openly talks about the great taboo,
which is Muslim immigration. Over the last few years, the government
has again legalized thousands of Muslims, creating much unhappiness
and increasing crime. I live in a nice area of Brussels, but I
cant even put my nose out the door without the risk of being
attacked by a young Arabic gang. The stupid politicians
keep saying we must understand them. Europe always
had high unemployment and poverty, and yet they imported the misery
of the Third World. Muslims are now threatening our Christian
values. We even had a leftist politician who said, its
about time we forget that we belong to a Christian society.
You have no right to freedom of
speech in Belgium. Whatever you say, they immediately charge you
with calling for racial hatred. Nearly all of the
judges are leftists of some sortSocialist, Marxist, Trotskyiteand
they demand severe punishment for anyone they suspect of hate.
You Americans seem to be the most
normal people, but it must be difficult for you living in a system
with just two political parties. Why dont you create an
ANF, an American National Front? With Jared Taylor
as the president of the party, Im sure you would have many
people on your side.
Alex Cools, Brussels, Belgium
SirAnthony Young is correct
to say in his September letter that my claim in August that Ronald
Reagan advocated a lower minimum wage for blacks is hard to believe.
It is nevertheless true. I quote below from the Carter-Reagan
debate on October 28, 1980. Governor Reagan is responding to a
question from moderator Howard K. Smith:
Now, the President spoke
a moment ago about that I was against the minimum wage. I wish
he could have been with me when I sat with a group of teenagers
who were black, and who were telling me about their unemployment
problems, and that it was the minimum wage that had done away
with the jobs that they once could get. And indeed, every time
it has increased you will find there is an increase in minority
unemployment among young people. And therefore, I have been in
favor of a separate minimum for them. (Source: www.juntosociety.com/pres_debates/carterreagan.
Reagan didnt say lower;
he said separate but clearly he meant lower.
Jack Judson, Downers Grove, Ill.
SirI respectfully take issue
with the letter writer from Sacramento who suggests in the September
issue that there is racial harmony in Hawaii. If a white man wanders
away from the well-trodden tourist traps, he will soon find he
is not only unwelcome but risks assault or worse. There are even
signs on some roads that predict dire consequences for whites.
The authorities do not remove the signs, nor do they attempt to
round up the posters.
George Bolton, Carlsbad, Calif.
SirThe AmRen.com website
now seems milktoast weak and ineffectual compared to the way it
looked three or four years ago. It strikes one like some unmanaged
wire service list of marginally interesting material. The (former)
black crime archive section needs to reappear and feature prominently,
as it was one of the very best resources of its kind for our people.
Thanks, and best wishes.
SirI was pleased to see
your account of how whites turned the tables on an immigration
reform panel that open-borders companies put on at a Denver
high school (Sept. O Tempora). It is very important
for activists to attend public events and make straightforward
remarks and ask sharp questions. To begin with, their point of
view is often reported in the press, and it is always good for
the public to hear common sense on this subject. At the same time,
it is a tonic for potential sympathizers in the audience. They
may be inspired to speak out some day. Finally, it puts the opposition
on the defensive, and it is good for the public to watch them
squirm. Immigration-control groups are springing up all over the
country, and the more action they initiate the better.
Jane Frederick, Ann Arbor, Mich.
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