Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler
Volume One: A Reckoning
Chapter X: Causes of the Collapse


THE EXTENT of the fall of a body is always measured by the distancebetween its momentary position and the one it originally occupied. The sameis true of nations and states. A decisive significance must be ascribedto their previous position or rather elevation. Only what is accustomedto rise above the common limit can fall and crash to a manifest low Thisis what makes the collapse of the Reich so hard and terrible for every thinkingand feeling man, since it brought a crash from heights which today, in viewof the depths of our present degradation, are scarcely conceivable.

The very founding of the Reich seemed gilded by the magic ofan event which uplifted the entire nation. After a series of incomparablevictories, a Reich was born for the sons and grandsons-a reward for immortalheroism. Whether consciously or unconsciously, it matters not, the Germansall had the feeling that this Reich, which did not owe its existence tothe trickery of parliamentary fractions, towered above the measure of otherstates by the very exalted manner of its founding; for not in the cacklingof a parliamentary battle of words, but in the thunder and rumbling of thefront surrounding Paris was the solemn act performed: a proclamation ofour will, declaring that the Germans, princes and people, were resolvedin the future to constitute a Reich and once again to raise the imperialcrown to symbolic heights. And this was not done by cowardly murder; nodeserters and slackers were the founders of the Bismarckian state, but theregiments at the front.

This unique birth and baptism of fire in themselves surroundedthe Reich with a halo of historic glory such as only the oldest states-andthey but seldom-could boast.

And what an ascent now began!

Freedom on the outside provided daily bread within. The nationbecame rich in numbers and earthly goods. The honor of the state, and withit that of the whole people, was protected and shielded by an army whichcould point most visibly to the difference from the former German Union.

So deep is the downfall of the Reich and the German people thateveryone, as though seized by dizziness, seems to have lost feeling andconsciousness; people can scarcely remember the former height, so dreamlikeand unreal do the old greatness and glory seem compared to our present-daymisery Thus it is understandable that people are so blinded by the sublimethat they forget to look for the omens of the gigantic collapse which mustafter all have been somehow present.

Of course, this applies only to those for whom Germany was morethan a mere stop-over for making and spending money, since they alone canfeel the present condition as a collapse, while to the others it is thelong-desired fulfillment of their hitherto unsatisfied desires.

The omens were then present and visible, though but very fewattempted to draw a certain lesson from them.

Yet today this is more necessary than ever.

The cure of a sickness can only be achieved if its cause isknown, and the same is true of curing political evils. To be sure, the outwardform of a sickness, its symptom which strikes the eye, is easier to seeand discover than the inner cause. And this is the reason why so many peoplenever go beyond the recognition of external effects and even confuse themwith the cause, attempting, indeed, to deny the existence of the latter.Thus most of us primarily see the German collapse only in the general economicmisery and the consequences arising therefrom. Nearly every one of us mustpersonally suffer these-a cogent ground for every individual to understandthe catastrophe. Much less does the great mass see the collapse in its political,cultural, ethical, and moral aspect. In this the feeling and understandingof many fail completely.

That this should be so among the broad masses may still pass,but for even the circles of the intelligentsia to regard the German collapseas primarily an 'economic catastrophe,' which can therefore be cured byeconomic means, is one of the reasons why a recovery has hitherto been impossible.Only when it is understood that here, too, economics is only of second orthird-rate importance, and the primary role falls to factors of politics,ethics, morality, and blood, will we arrive at an understanding of the presentcalamity, and thus also be able to find the ways and means for a cure.

The question of the causes of the German collapse is, therefore,of decisive importance, particularly for a political movement whose verygoal is supposed to be to quell the defeat.
But, in such research into the past, we must be very careful not to confusethe more conspicuous effects with the less visible causes.

The easiest and hence most widespread explanation of the presentmisfortune is that it was brought about by the consequences of the lostWar and that therefore the War is the cause of the present evil.

There may be many who will seriously believe this nonsense butthere are still more from whose mouth such an explanation can only be alie and conscious falsehood. This last applies to all those who today feedat the government's cribs. For didn't the prophets of the revolution againand again point out most urgently to the people that it was a matter ofcomplete indifference to the broad masses how this War turned out? Did theynot, on the contrary, gravely assure us that at most the 'big capitalist'could have an interest in a victorious end of the gigantic struggle of nations,but never the German people as such, let alone the German worker? Indeed,didn't these apostles of world conciliation maintain the exact opposite:didn't they say that by a German defeat 'militarism' would be destroyed,but that the German nation would celebrate its most glorious resurrection?Didn't these circles glorify the benevolence of the Entente, and didn'tthey shove tile blame for the whole bloody struggle on Germany? And couldthey have done this without declaring that even military defeat would bewithout special consequences for the nation? Wasn't the whole revolutionembroidered with the phrase that it would prevent the victory of the Germanflag, but that through it the German people would at last begin advancingtoward freedom at home and abroad?

Will you claim that this was not so, you wretched, lying scoundrels?

It takes a truly Jewish effrontery to attribute the blame forthe collapse solely to the military defeat when the central organ of alltraitors to the nation, the Berlin Vorwarts, wrote that this time the Germanpeople must not bring its banner home victorious!

And now this is supposed to be the cause of our collapse?

Of course, it would be perfectly futile to fight with such forgetfulliars. I wouldn't waste my words on them if unfortunately this nonsensewere not parroted by so many thoughtless people, who do not seem inspiredby malice or conscious insincerity. Furthermore, these discussions are intendedto give our propaganda fighters an instrument which is very much neededat a time when the spoken word is often twisted in our mouths.

Thus we have the following to say to the assertion that thelost War is responsible for the German collapse:

Certainly the loss of the War was of terrible importance forthe future of our fatherland; however, its loss is not a cause, but itselfonly a consequence of causes. It was perfectly clear to everyone with insightand without malice that an unfortunate end of this struggle for life anddeath would inevitably lead to extremely devastating consequences. But unfortunatelythere were also people who seemed to lack this insight at the right timeor who, contrary to their better knowledge, contested and denied this truth.Such for the most part were those who, after the fulfillment of their secretwish, suddenly and belatedly became aware of the catastrophe which had beenbrought about by themselves among others. They are guilty of the collapse-notthe lost War as it suddenly pleases them to say and believe. For its losswas, after all, only the consequence of their activity and not, as theynow try to say, the result of 'bad' leadership. The foe did not consistof cowards either; he, too, knew how to die. His number from the first daywas greater than that of the German army for he could draw on the technicalarmament and the arsenals of the whole world; hence the German victories,won for four years against a whole world, must regardless of all heroiccourage and 'organization,' be attributed solely to superior leadership,and this iS a fact which cannot be denied out of existence. The organizationand leadership of the German army were the mightiest that the earth hadever seen. Their deficiencies lay in the limits of all human adequacy ingeneral.

The collapse of this army was not the cause of our present-daymisfortune, but only the consequence of other crimes, a consequence whichitself again, it must be admitted, ushered in the beginning of a furtherand this time visible collapse.

The truth of this can be seen from the following:

Must a military defeat lead to so complete a collapse of a nationand a state? Since when is this the result of an unfortunate war? Do peoplesperish in consequence of lost wars as such?

The answer to this can be very brief: always, when militarydefeat iS the payment meted out to peoples for their inner rottenness, cowardice,lack of character, in short, unworthiness. If this iS not the case, themilitary defeat will rather be the inspiration of a great future resurrectionthan the tombstone of a national existence.

History offers innumerable examples for the truth of this assertion.

Unfortunately, the military defeat of the German people is notan undeserved catastrophe, but the deserved chastisement of eternal retribution.We more than deserved this defeat. It is only the greatest outward symptomof decay amid a whole series of inner symptoms, which perhaps had remainedhidden and invisible to the eyes of most people, or which like ostrichespeople did not want to see.

Just consider the attendant circumstances amid which the Germanpeople accepted this defeat. Didn't many circles express the most shamelessjoy at the misfortune of the fatherland? And who would do such a thing ifhe does not really deserve such a punishment? Why, didn't they go even furtherand brag of having finally caused the front to waver? And it was not theenemy that did this-no, no, it was Germans who poured such disgrace upontheir heads! Can it be said that misfortune struck them unjustly? Sincewhen do people step forward and take the guilt for a war on themselves?And against better knowledge and better judgment!

No, and again no. In the way in which the German people receivedits defeat, we can recognize most clearly that the true cause of our collapsemust be sought in an entirely different place from the purely military lossof a few positions or in the failure of an offensive; for if the front assuch had really flagged and if its downfall had really encompassed the doomof the fatherland, the German people would have received the defeat quitedifferently. Then they would have borne the ensuing misfortune with grittedteeth or would have mourned it, overpowered by grief; then all hearts wouldhave been filled with rage and anger toward the enemy who had become victoriousthrough a trick of chance or the will of fate; then, like the Roman Senate,the nation would have received the defeated divisions with the thanks ofthe fatherland for the sacrifices they had made and besought them not todespair of the Reich. The capitulation would have been signed only withthe reason, while the heart even then would have beaten for the resurrectionto come.

This is how a defeat for which only fate was responsible wouldhave been received. Then people would not have laughed and danced, theywould not have boasted of cowardice and glorified the defeat, they wouldnot have scoffed at the embattled troops and dragged their banner and cockadein the mud. But above all: then we should never have had the terrible stateof affairs which prompted a British officer, Colonel Repington, to makethe contemptuous statement: 'Of the Germans, every third man is a traitor.'No, this plague would never have been able to rise into the stifling floodwhich for five years now has been drowning the very last remnant of respectfor us on the part of the rest of the world.

This most of all shows the assertion that the lost War was thecause of the German collapse to be a lie. No, this military collapse wasitself only the consequence of a large number of symptoms of disease andtheir causes, which even in peacetime were with the German nation. Thiswas the first consequence, catastrophic and visible to all, of an ethicaland moral poisoning, of a diminution in the instinct of self-preservationand its preconditions, which for many years had begun to undermine the foundationsof the people and the Reich.

It required the whole bottomless falsehood of the Jews and theirMarxist fighting organization to lay the blame for the collapse on thatvery man who alone, with superhuman energy and will power, tried to preventthe catastrophe he foresaw and save the nation from its time of deepesthumiliation and disgrace By branding Ludendorff as guilty for the loss ofthe World War they took the weapon of moral right from the one dangerousaccuser who could have risen against the traitors to the fatherland. Inthis they proceeded on the sound principle that the magnitude of a lie alwayscontains a certain factor of credibility, since the great masses of thepeople in the very bottom of their hearts tend to be corrupted rather thanconsciously and purposely evil, and that, therefore, in view of the primitivesimplicity of their minds they more easily fall a victim to a big lie thanto a little one, since they themselves lie in little things, but would beashamed of lies that were too big. Such a falsehood will never enter theirheads and they will not be able to believe in the possibility of such monstrouseffrontery and infamous misrepresentation in others; yes, even when enlightenedon the subject, they will long doubt and waver, and continue to accept atleast one of these causes as true. Therefore, something of even the mostinsolent lie will always remain and stick-a fact which all the great lie-virtuosiand lying-clubs in this world know only too well and also make the mosttreacherous use of.

The foremost connoisseurs of this truth regarding the possibilitiesin the use of falsehood and slander have always been the Jews; for afterall, their whole existence is based on one single great lie, to wit, thatthey are a religious community while actually they are a race-and what arace ! One of the greatest minds of humanity has nailed them forever assuch in an eternally correct phrase of fundamental truth: he called them'the great masters of the lie.' And anyone who does not recognize this ordoes not want to believe it will never in this world be able to help thetruth to victory.
For the German people it must almost be considered a great good fortunethat its period of creeping sickness was suddenly cut short by so terriblea catastrophe, for otherwise the nation would have gone to the dogs moreslowly perhaps, but all the more certainly. The disease would have becomechronic, while in the acute form of the collapse it at least became clearlyand distinctly recognizable to a considerable number of people. It was noaccident that man mastered the plague more easily than tuberculosis. Theone comes in terrible waves of death that shake humanity to the foundations,the other slowly and stealthily; the one leads to terrible fear, the otherto gradual indifference. The consequence is that man opposed the one withall the ruthlessness of his energy, while he tries to control consumptionwith feeble means. Thus he mastered the plague, while tuberculosis mastershim.

Exactly the same is true of diseases of national bodies. Ifthey do not take the form of catastrophe, man slowly begins to get accustomedto them and at length, though it may take some time, perishes all the morecertainly of them. And so it is a good fortune-though a bitter one, to besure-when Fate resolves to take a hand in this slow process of putrefactionand with a sudden blow makes the victim visualize the end of his disease.For more than once, that is what such a catastrophe amounts to Then it caneasily become the cause of a recovery beginning with the utmost determination.

But even in such a case, the prerequisite is again the recognitionof the inner grounds which cause the disease in question.

Here, too, the most important thing remains the distinctionbetween the causes and the conditions they call forth. This will be allthe more difficult, the longer the toxins remain in the national body andthe more they become an ingredient of it which is taken for granted. Forit is easily possible that after a certain time unquestionably harmful poisonsBill be regarded as an ingredient of one's own nation or at best will betolerated as a necessary evil, so that a search for the alien virus is nolonger regarded as necessary.

Thus, in the long peace of the pre-War years, certain harmfulfeatures had appeared and been recognized as such, though next to nothingwas done against their virus, aside from a few exceptions. And here againthese exceptions were primarily manifestations of economic life, which struckthe consciousness of the individual more strongly than the harmful featuresin a number of other fields.

There were many symptoms of decay which should have arousedserious reflection.

With respect to economics, the following should be said:

Through the amazing increase in the German population beforethe War, the question of providing the necessary daily bread stepped moreand more sharply into the foreground of all political and economic thoughtand action. Unfortunately, those in power could not make up their mindsto choose the only correct solution, but thought they could reach theirgoal in an easier way. When they renounced the acquisition of new soil andreplaced it by the lunacy of world economic conquest, the result was boundto be an industrialization as boundless as it was harmful.

The first consequence of gravest importance was the weakeningof the peasant class. Proportionately as the peasant class diminished, themass of the big city proletariat increased more and more, until finallythe balance was completely upset.

Now the abrupt alternation between rich and poor became reallyapparent. Abundance and poverty lived so close together that the saddestconsequences could and inevitably did arise. Poverty and frequent unemploymentbegan to play havoc with people, leaving behind them a memory of discontentand embitterment. The consequence of this seemed to be political class division.Despite all the economic prosperity, dissatisfaction became greater anddeeper; in fact, things came to such a pass that the conviction that 'itcan't go on like this much longer' became general, yet without people havingor being able to have any definite idea of what ought to have been done.

These were the typical symptoms of deep discontent which soughtto express themselves in this way.

But worse than this were other consequences induced by the economizationof the nation.

In proportion as economic life grew to be the dominant mistressof the state, money became the god whom all had to serve and to whom eachman had to bow down. More and more, the gods of heaven were put into thecorner as obsolete and outmoded, and in their stead incense was burned tothe idol Mammon. A truly malignant degeneration set in; what made it mostmalignant was that it began at a time when the nation, in a presumably menacingand critical hour, needed the highest heroic attitude. Germany had to accustomherself to the idea that some day her attempt to secure her daily breadby means of 'peaceful economic labor' would have to be defended by the sword.

Unfortunately, the domination of money was sanctioned even bythat authority which should have most opposed it: His Majesty the Kaiseracted most unfortunately by drawing the aristocracy into the orbit of thenew finance capital. It must be said to his credit, however, that unfortunatelyeven Bismarck himself did not recognize the menacing danger in this respect.Thereby the ideal virtues for all practical purposes had taken a positionsecond to the value of money, for it was clear that once a beginning hadbeen made in this direction, the aristocracy of the sword would in a shorttime inevitably be overshadowed by the financial aristocracy. Financialoperations succeed more easily than battles. It was no longer inviting forthe real hero or statesman to be brought into relations with some old bankJew: the man of true ment could no longer have an interest in the bestowalof cheap decorations; he declined them with thanks. But regarded purelyfrom the standpoint of blood, such a development was profoundly unfortunate:more and more, the nobility lost the racial basis for its existence, andin large measure the designation of 'ignobility' would have been more suitablefor it.

A grave economic symptom of decay was the slow disappearanceof the right of private property, and the gradual transference of the entireeconomy to the ownership of stock companies.

Now for the first time labor had sunk to the level of an objectof speculation for unscrupulous Jewish business men; the alienation of propertyfrom the wage-worker was increased ad infinitum. The stock exchange beganto triumph and prepared slowly but surely to take the life of the nationinto its guardianship and control.

The internationalization of the German economic life had beenbegun even before the War through the medium of stock issues To be sure,a part of German industry still attempted with resolution to ward off thisfate. At length, however, it, too, fell a victim to the united attack ofgreedy finance capital which carried on this fight, with the special helpof its most faithful comrade, the Marxist movement.

The lasting war against German 'heavy industry' was the visiblebeginning of the internationalization of German economy toward which Marxismwas striving, though this could not be carried to its ultimate end untilthe victory of Marxism and the revolution. While I am writing these words,the general attack against the German state railways has finally succeeded,and they are now being handed over to international finance capitals 'International'Social Democracy has thus realized one of its highest goals.

How far this 'economization' of the German people had succeededis most visible in the fact that after the War one of the leading headsof German industry, and above all of commerce, was finally able to expressthe opinion that economic effort as such was alone in a position to re-establishGermany. This nonsense was poured forth at a moment when France was primarilybringing back the curriculum of her schools to humanistic foundations inorder to combat the error that the nation and the state owed their survivalto economics and not to eternal ideal values. These words pronounced bya Stinnes created the most incredible confusion; they were picked up atonce, and with amazing rapidity became the leitmotif of all the quacks andbig-mouths that since the revolution Fate has let loose on Germany in thecapacity of 'statesmen.'

One of the worst symptoms of decay in Germany of the pre-Warera was the steadily increasing habit of doing things by halves. This isalways a consequence of uncertainty on some matter and of the cowardiceresulting from this and other grounds. This disease was-further promotedby education.

German education before the War was afflicted with an extraordinarynumber of weaknesses. It was extremely one-sided and adapted to breedingpure 'knowledge,' with less attention to 'ability.' Even less emphasis waslaid on the development of the character of the individual-in so far asthis is possible; exceedingly little on the sense of joy in responsibility,and none at all on the training of will and force of decision. Its results,you may be sure, were not strong men, but compliant ' walking encyclopedias,'as we Germans were generally looked upon and accordingly estimated beforethe War. People liked the German because he was easy to make use of, butrespected him little, precisely because of his weakness of will. It wasnot for nothing that more than almost any other people he was prone to losehis nationality and fatherland. The lovely proverb, 'with hat in hand, hetravels all about the land,' tells the whole story.

This compliance became really disastrous, however, when it determinedthe sole form in which the monarch could be approached; that is, never tocontradict him, but agree to anything and everything that His Majesty condescendsto do. Precisely in this place was free, manly dignity most necessary; otherwisethe monarchic institution was one day bound to perish from all this crawling;for crawling it was and nothing else! And only miserable crawlers and sneaks-inshort, all the decadents who have always felt more at ease around the highestthrones than sincere, decent, honorable souls-can regard this as the soleproper form of intercourse with the bearers of the crown! These 'most humble'creatures, to be sure, despite all their humility before their master andsource of livelihood, have always demonstrated the greatest arrogance towardthe rest of humanity, and worst of all when they pass themselves off withshameful effrontery on their sinful fellow men as the only 'monarchists';this is real gall such as only these ennobled or even unennobled tapewormsare capable of! For in reality these people remained the gravediggers ofthe monarchy and particularly the monarchistic idea. Nothing else is conceivable:a man who is prepared to stand up for a cause will never and can never bea sneak and a spineless lickspittle. Anyone who is really serious aboutthe preservation and furtherance of an institution will cling to it withthe last fiber of his heart and will not be able to abandon it if evilsof some sort appear in this institution. To be sure, he will not cry thisout to the whole public as the democratic 'friends' of the monarchy didin the exact same lying way; he will most earnestly warn and attempt toinfluence His Majesty, the bearer of the crown himself. He will not andmust not adopt the attitude that His Majesty remains free to act accordingto his own will anyway, even if this obviously must and will lead to a catastrophe,but in such a case he will have to protect the monarchy against the monarch,and this despite all perils. If the value of this institution lay in themomentary person of the monarch, it would be the worst institution thatcan be imagined; for monarchs only in the rarest cases are the cream ofwisdom and reason or even of character, as some people like to claim. Thisis believed only by professional lickspittles and sneaks, but all straightforwardmen-and these remain the most valuable men in the state despite everything-will only feel repelled by the idea of arguing such nonsense. For them historyremains history and the truth the truth even where monarchs are concerned.No, the good fortune to possess a great monarch who is also a great manfalls to peoples so seldom that they must be content if the malice of Fateabstains at least from the worst possible mistakes.

Consequently, the value and importance of the monarchic ideacannot reside in the person of the monarch himself except if Heaven decidesto lay the crown on the brow of a heroic genius like Frederick the Greator a wise character like William I. This happens once in centuries and hardlymore often. Otherwise the idea takes precedence over the person and themeaning of this institution must lie exclusively in the institution itself.With this the monarch himself falls into the sphere of service. Then he,too, becomes a mere cog in this work, to which he is obligated as such.Then he, too, must comply with a higher purpose, and the ' monarchist' isthen no longer the man who in silence lets the bearer of the crown profaneit, but the man who prevents this. Otherwise, it would not be permissibleto depose an obviously insane prince, if the sense of the institution laynot in the idea, but in the ' sanctified ' person at any price.

Today it is really necessary to put this down, for in recenttimes more and more of these creatures, to whose wretched attitude the collapseof the monarchy must not least of all be attributed are rising out of obscurity.With a certain naive gall, these people have started in again to speak ofnothing but 'their King'- whom only a few years ago they left in the lurchin the critical hour and in the most despicable fashion-and are beginningto represent every person who is not willing to agree to their lying tiradesas a bad German. And in reality they are the very same poltroons who in1919 scattered and ran from every red armband, abandoned their King, ina twinkling exchanged the halberd for the walking stick, put on noncommittalneckties, and vanished without trace as peaceful ' citizens.' At one strokethey were gone, these royal champions, and only after the revolutionarystorm, thanks to the activity of others, had subsided enough so that a mancould again roar his 'Hail, hail to the King' into the breezes, these 'servantsand counselors' of the crown began again cautiously to emerge. And now theyare all here again, looking back longingly to the fieshpots of Egypt; theycan hardly restrain themselves in their loyalty to the King and their urgeto do great things, until the day when again the first red arm-band willappear, and the whole gang of ghosts profiting from the old monarchy willagain vanish like mice at the sight of a cat!

If the monarchs were not themselves to blame for these things,they could be most heartily pitied because of their present defenders. Inany case, they might as well know that with such knights a crown can belost, but no crowns gained.

This servility, however, was a flaw in our whole education,for which we suffered most terribly in this connection. For, as its consequence,these wretched creatures were able to maintain themselves at all the courtsand gradually undermine the foundations of the monarchy. And when the structurefinally began to totter, they evaporated. Naturally: cringers and lickspittlesdo not let themselves be knocked dead for their master. That monarchs neverknow this and fail to learn it almost on principle has from time immemorialbeen their undoing.

One of the worst symptoms of decay was Mate increasing cowardicein the face of responsibility, as well as the resultant halfheartednessin all things.

To be sure, the starting point of this plague in our countrylies in large part in the parliamentary institution in which irresponsibilityof the purest breed is cultivated. Unfortunately, this plague slowly spreadto all other domains of life, most strongly to state life. Everywhere responsibilitywas evaded and inadequate half-measures were preferred as a result; forin the use of such measures personal responsibility seems reduced to thesmallest dimensions.

Just examine the attitude of the various governments towarda number of truly injurious manifestations of our public life, and you willeasily recognize the terrible significance of this general half-heartednessand cowardice in the face of responsibility.

I shall take only a few cases from the mass of existing examples:

Journalistic circles in particular like to describe the pressas a 'great power' in the state. As a matter of fact, its importance reallyis immense. It cannot be overestimated, for the press really continues educationin adulthood.

Its readers, by and large, can be divided into three groups:

First, into those who believe everything they read;

second, into those who have ceased to believe anything;

third, into the minds which critically examine what they read,and judge accordingly.

Numerically, the first group is by far the largest. It consistsof the great mass of the people and consequently represents the simplest-mindedpart of the nation. It cannot be listed in terms of professions, but atmost in general degrees of intelligence. To it belong all those who haveneither been born nor trained to think independently, and who partly fromincapacity and partly from incompetence believe everything that is set beforethem in black and white. To them also belongs the type of lazybones whocould perfectly well think, but from sheer mental laziness seizes gratefullyon everything that someone else has thought, with the modest assumptionthat the someone else has exerted himself considerably. Now, with all thesetypes, who constitute the great masses, the influence of the press willbe enormous. They are not able or willing themselves to examine what isset before them, and as a result their whole attitude toward all the problemsof the day can be reduced almost exclusively to the outside influence ofothers. This can be advantageous when their enlightenment is provided bya serious and truth-loving party, but it is catastrophic when scoundrelsand liars provide it.

The second group is much smaller in number. It is partly composedof elements which previously belonged to the first group, but after longand bitter disappointments shifted to the opposite and no longer believeanything that comes before their eyes in print. They hate every newspaper;either they don't read it at all, or without exception fly into a rage overthe contents, since in their opinion they consist only of lies and falsehoods.These people are very hard to handle, since they are suspicious even inthe face of the truth. Consequently, they are lost for all positive, politicalwork.

The third group, finally, is by far the smallest; it consistsof the minds with real mental subtlety, whom natural gifts and educationhave taught to think independently, who try to form their own judgment onall things, and who subject everything they read to a thorough examinationand further development of their own. They will not look at a newspaperwithout always collaborating in their minds, and the writer has no easytime of it. Journalists love such readers with the greatest reserve.
For the members of this third group, it must be admitted, the nonsense thatnewspaper scribblers can put down is not very dangerous or even very important.Most of them in the course of their lives have learned to regard every journalistas a rascal on principle, who tells the truth only once in a blue moon.Unfortunately, however, the importance of these splendid people lies onlyin their intelligence and not in their number- a misfortune at a time whenwisdom is nothing and the majority is everything! Today, when the ballotof the masses decides, the chief weight lies with the most numerous group,and this is the first: the mob of the simple or credulous.

It is of paramount interest to the state and the nation to preventthese people from falling into the hands of bad, ignorant, or even viciouseducators. The state, therefore, has the duty of watching over their educationand preventing any mischief. It must particularly exercise strict controlover the press; for its influence on these people is by far the strongestand most penetrating, since it is applied, not once in a while, but overand over again. In the uniformity and constant repetition of this instructionlies its tremendous power. If anywhere, therefore, it is here that the statemust not forget that all means must serve an end; it must not let itselfbe confused by the drivel about so-called 'freedom of the press' and letitself be talked into neglecting its duty and denying the nation the foodwhich it needs and which is good for it; with ruthless determination itmust make sure of this instrument of popular education, and place it inthe service of the state and the nation.

But what food did the German press of the pre-War period dishout to the people? Was it not the worst poison that can even be imagined?Wasn't the worst kind of pacifism injected into the heart of our peopleat a time when the rest of the world was preparing to throttle Germany,slowly but surely? Even in peacetime didn't the press inspire the mindsof the people with doubt in the right of their own state, thus from theoutset limiting them in the choice of means for its defense? Was it notthe German press which knew how to make the absurdity of 'Western democracy'palatable to our people until finally, ensnared by all the enthusiastictirades, they thought they could entrust their future to a League of Nations?Did it not help to teach our people a miserable immorality? Did it not ridiculemorality and ethics as backward and petty-bourgeois, until our people finallybecame 'modern'? Did it not with its constant attacks undermine the foundationsof the state's authority until a single thrust sufficed to make the edificecollapse? Did it not fight with all possible means against every effortto give unto the state that which is the state's? Did it not belittle thearmy with constant criticism, sabotage universal conscription, demand therefusal of military credits, etc., until the result became inevitable?

The so-called liberal press was actively engaged in diggingthe grave of the German people and the German Reich. We can pass by thelying Marxist sheets in silence; to them lying is just as vitally necessaryas catching mice for a cat; their function is only to break the people'snational and patriotic backbone and make them ripe for the slave's yokeof international capital and its masters, the Jews.

And what did the state do against this mass poisoning of thenation? Nothing, absolutely nothing. A few ridiculous decrees, a few finesfor villainy that went too far, and that was the end of it. Instead, theyhoped to curry favor with this plague by flattery, by recognition of the'value' of the press, its 'importance,' its 'educational mission,' and moresuch nonsense-as for the Jews, they took all this with a crafty smile andacknowledged it with sly thanks.

The reason, however, for this disgraceful failure on the partof the state was not that it did not recognize the danger, but rather ina cowardice crying to high Heaven and the resultant halfheartedness of alldecisions and measures. No one had the courage to use thoroughgoing radicalmethods, but in this as in everything else they tinkered about with a lotof halfway prescriptions, and instead of carrying the thrust to the heart,they at most irritated the viper-with the result that not only did everythingremain as before, but on the contrary the power of the institutions whichshould have been combated increased from year to year.

The defensive struggle of the German government at that timeagainst the press-mainly that of Jewish origin-which was slowly ruiningthe nation was without any straight line, irresolute and above all withoutany visible goal. The intelligence of the privy councilors failed completelywhen it came to estimating the importance of this struggle, to choosingmeans or drawing up a clear plan. Planlessly they fiddled about; sometimes,after being bitten too badly, they locked up one of the journalistic vipersfor a few weeks or months, but they left the snakes' nest as such perfectlyunmolested.

True-this resulted partly from the infinitely wily tactics ofthe Jews, on the one hand, and from a stupidity and innocence such as onlyprivy councilors are capable of, on the other. The Jew was much too cleverto allow his entire press to be attacked uniformly. No, one part of it existedin order to cover the other. While the Marxist papers assailed in the mostdastardly way everything that can be holy to man; while they infamouslyattacked the state and the government and stirred up large sections of thepeople against one another, the bourgeois-democratic papers knew how togive an appearance of their famous objectivity, painstakingly avoided allstrong words, well knowing that empty heads can judge only by externalsand never have the faculty of penetrating the inner core, so that for themthe value of a thing is measured by this exterior instead of by the content;a human weakness to which they owe what esteem they themselves enjoy.

For these people the Frankfurter Zeitung was the embodimentof respectability. For it never uses coarse expressions, it rejects allphysical brutality and keeps appealing for struggle with 'intellectual'weapons, a conception, strange to say, to which especially the least intelligentpeople are most attached. This is a result of our half-education which removespeople from the instinct of Nature and pumps a certain amount of knowledgeinto them, but cannot create full understanding, since for this industryand good will alone are no use; the necessary intelligence must be present,and what is more, it must be inborn. The ultimate wisdom is always the understandingof the instinct '-that is: a man must never fall into the lunacy of believingthat he has really risen to be lord and master of Nature-which is so easilyinduced by the conceit of half-education; he must understand the fundamentalnecessity of Nature's rule, and realize how much his existence is subjectedto these laws of eternal fight and upward struggle. Then he will feel thatin a universe where planets revolve around suns, and moons turn about planets,where force alone forever masters weakness, compelling it to be an obedientslave or else crushing it, there can be no special laws for man. For him,too, the eternal principles of this ultimate wisdom hold sway. He can tryto comprehend them; but escape them, never.

And it is precisely for our intellectual demi-monde that theJew writes his so-called intellectual press. For them the Frankfurter Zeitungand the Berliner Tageblatt are made; for them their tone is chosen, andon them they exercise their influence. Seemingly they all most sedulouslyavoid any outwardly crude forms, and meanwhile from other vessels they neverthelesspour their poison into the hearts of their readers. Amid a Gezeires 2 Offine sounds and phrases they lull their readers into believing that purescience or even morality is really the motive of their acts, while in realityit is nothing but a wily, ingenious trick for stealing the enemy's weaponagainst the press from under his nose. The one variety oozes respectability,so all soft-heads are ready to believe them when they say that the faultsof others are only trivial abuses which should never lead to an infringementof the 'freedom of the press'-their term for poisoning and lying to thepeople. And so the authorities shy away from taking measures against thesebandits, for they fear that, if they did, they would at once have the 'respectable ' press against them, a fear which is only too justified. Foras soon as they attempt to proceed against one of these shameful rags, allthe others will at once take its part, but by no means to sanction its modeof struggle, God forbid-but only to defend the principle of freedom of thepress and freedom of public opinion; these alone must be defended. But inthe face of all this shouting, the strongest men grow weak, for does itnot issue from the mouths of 'respectable' papers?

This poison was able to penetrate the bloodstream of our peopleunhindered and do its work, and the state did not possess the power to masterthe disease. In the laughable half-measures which it used against the poison,the menacing decay of the Reich was manifest. For an institution which isno longer resolved to defend itself with all weapons has for practical purposesabdicated. Every half-measure is a visible sign of inner decay which mustand will be followed sooner or later by outward collapse.

I believe that the present generation, properly led, will moreeasily master this danger. It has experienced various things which had thepower somewhat to strengthen the nerves of those who did not lose them entirely.In future days the Jew will certainly continue to raise a mighty uproarin his newspapers if a hand is ever laid on his favorite nest, if an endis put to the mischief of the press and this instrument of education isput into the service of the state and no longer left in the hands of aliensand enemies of the people. But I believe that this will bother us youngermen less than our fathers. A thirty-centimeter shell has always hissed moreloudly than a thousand Jewish newspaper vipers-so let them hiss!

A further example of the halfheartedness and weakness ofthe leaders of pre-War Germany in meeting the most important vital questionsof the nation is the following: running parallel to the political, ethical,and moral contamination of the people, there had been for many years a noless terrible poisoning of the health of the national body. Especially inthe big cities, syphilis was beginning to spread more and more, while tuberculosissteadily reaped its harvest of death throughout nearly the whole country.

Though in both cases the consequences were terrible for thenation, the authorities could not summon up the energy to take
decisive measures.

Particularly with regard to syphilis, the attitude of the leadershipof the nation and the state can only be designated as total capitulation.To fight it seriously, they would have had to take somewhat broader measuresthan was actually the case. The invention of a remedy of questionable characterand its commercial exploitation can no longer help much against this plague.Here again it was only the fight against causes that mattered and not theelimination of the symptoms. The cause lies, primarily, in our prostitutionof love. Even if its result were not this frightful plague, it would neverthelessbe profoundly injurious to man, since the moral devastations which accompanythis degeneracy suffice to destroy a people slowly but surely. This Jewificationof our spiritual life and mammonization of our mating instinct will sooneror later destroy our entire offspring, for the powerful children of a naturalemotion will be replaced by the miserable creatures of financial expediencywhich is becoming more and more the basis and sole prerequisite of our marriages.Love finds its outlet elsewhere.

Here, too, of course, Nature can be scorned for a certain time,but her vengeance will not fail to appear, only it takes a time to manifestitself, or rather: it is often recognized too late by man.

But the devastating consequences of a lasting disregard of thenatural requirements for marriage can be seen in our nobility. Here we havebefore us the results of procreation based partly on purely social compulsionand partly on financial grounds. The one leads to a general weakening, theother to a poisoning of the blood, since every department store Jewess isconsidered fit to augment the offspring of His Highness-and, indeed, theoffspring look it. In both cases complete degeneration is the consequence.

Today our bourgeoisie strive to go the same road, and they willend up at the same goal.

Hastily and indifferently, people tried to pass by the unpleasanttruths, as though by such an attitude events could be undone. No, the factthat our big city population is growing more and more prostituted in itslove life cannot just be denied out of existence; it simply is so. The mostvisible results of this mass contamination can, on the one hand, be foundin the insane asylums, and on the other, unfortunately, in our-children.They in particular are the sad product of the irresistibly spreading contaminationof our sexual life; the vices of the parents are revealed in the sicknessesof the children.

There are different ways of reconciling oneself to this unpleasant,yes, terrible fact: the ones see nothing at all or rather want to see nothing;this, of course, is by far the simplest and easiest 'position.' The otherswrap themselves in a saint's cloak of prudishness as absurd as it is hypocritical;they speak of this whole field as if it were a great sin, and above allexpress their profound indignation against every sinner caught in the act,then close their eyes in pious horror to this godless plague and pray Godto let sulphur and brimstone-preferably after their own death-rain downon this whole Sodom and Gomorrah, thus once again making an instructiveexample of this shameless humanity. The third, finally, are perfectly wellaware of the terrible consequences which this plague must and will someday induce, but only shrug their shoulders, convinced that nothing can bedone against the menace, so the only thing to do is to let things slide.

All this, to be sure, is comfortable and simple, but it mustnot be forgotten that a nation will fall victim to such comfortableness.The excuse that other peoples are no better off, it goes without saying,can scarcely affect the fact of our own ruin, except that the feeling ofseeing others stricken by the same calamity might for many bring a mitigationof their own pains. But then more than ever the question becomes: Whichpeople will be the first and only one to master this plague by its own strength,and which nations will perish from it? And this is the crux of the wholematter. Here again we have a touchstone of a race's value-the race whichcannot stand the test will simply die out, making place for healthier ortougher and more resisting races. For since this question primarily regardsthe offspring, it is one of those concerning which it is said with suchterrible justice that the sins of the fathers are avenged down to the tenthgeneration. But this applies only to profanation of the blood and the race.

Blood sin and desecration of the race are the original sin inthis world and the end of a humanity which surrenders to it.

How truly wretched was the attitude of pre-War Germany on thisone very question ! What was done to check the contamination of our youthin the big cities? What was done to attack the infection and mammonizationof our love life? What was done to combat the resulting syphilization ofour people?

This can be answered most easily by stating what should havebeen done.

First of all, it was not permissible to take this question frivolously;it had to be understood that the fortune or misfortune of generations woulddepend on its solution; yes, that it could, if not had to be, decisive forthe entire future of our people. Such a realization, however, obligatedus to ruthless measures and surgical operations. What we needed most wasthe conviction that first of all the whole attention of the nation had tobe concentrated upon this terrible danger, so that every single individualcould become inwardly conscious of the importance of this struggle. Trulyincisive and sometimes almost unbearable obligations and burdens can onlybe made generally effective if, in addition to compulsion, the realizationof necessity is transmitted to the individual. But this requires a tremendousenlightenment excluding all other problems of the day which might have adistracting effect.

In all cases where the fulfillment of apparently impossibledemand.s or tasks is involved, the whole attention of a people must be focusedand concentrated on this one question, as though life and death actuallydepended on its solution. Only in this way will a people be made willingand able to perform great tasks and exertions.

This principle applies also to the individual man in so faras he wants to achieve great goals. He, too, will be able to do this onlyin steplike sections, and he, too, will always have to unite his entireenergies on the achievement of a definitely delimited task, until this taskseems fulfilled and a new section can be marked out. Anyone who does notso divide the road to be conquered into separate stages and does not tryto conquer these one by one, systematically with the sharpest concentrationof all his forces, will never be able to reach the ultimate goal, but willbe left lying somewhere along the road, or perhaps even off it. This gradualworking up to a goal is an art, and to conquer the road step by step inthis way you must throw in your last ounce of energy.

The very first prerequisite needed for attacking such a difficultstretch of the human road is for the leadership to succeed in representingto the masses of the people the partial goal which now has to be achieved,or rather conquered, as the one which is solely and alone worthy of attention,on whose conquest everything depends. The great mass of the people cannotsee the whole road ahead of them without growing weary and despairing ofthe task. A certain number of them will keep the goal in mind, but willonly be able to see the road in small, partial stretches, like the wanderer,who likewise knows and recognizes the end of his journey, but is betterable to conquer the endless highway if he divides it into sections and boldlyattacks each one as though it represented the desired goal itself. Onlyin this way does he advance without losing heart.

Thus, by the use of all propagandist means, the question ofcombating syphilis should have been made to appear as the task of the nation.Not just one more task. To this end, its injurious effects should have beenthoroughly hammered into people as the most terrible misfortune, and thisby the use of all available means, until the entire nation arrived at theconviction that everything-future or ruin-depended upon the solution ofthis question.

Only after such a preparation, if necessary over a period ofyears, will the attention, and consequently the determination, of the entirenation be aroused to such an extent that we can take exceedingly hard measuresexacting the greatest sacrifices without running the risk of not being understoodor of suddenly being left in the lurch by the will of the masses.

For, seriously to attack this plague, tremendous sacrificesand equally great labors are necessary.

The fight against syphilis demands a fight against prostitutionagainst prejudices, old habits, against previous conceptions, general viewsamong them not least the false prudery of certain circles.

The first prerequisite for even the moral right to combat thesethings is the facilitation of earlier marriage for the coming generation.In late marriage alone lies the compulsion to retain an institution which,twist and turn as you like, is and remains a disgrace to humanity, an institutionwhich is damned ill-suited to a being who with his usual modesty likes toregard himself as the 'image' of God.

Prostitution is a disgrace to humanity, but it cannot be eliminatedby moral lectures, pious intentions, etc.; its limitation and final abolitionpresuppose the elimination of innumerable preconditions. The first is andremains the creation of an opportunity for early marriage as compatiblewith human nature- particularly for the man, as the woman in any case isonly the passive part.

How lost, how incomprehensible a part of humanity has becometoday can be seen from the fact that mothers in so-called 'good ' societycan not seldom be heard to say that they are glad to have found their childa husband who has sown his wild oats, etc. Since there is hardly any lackof these, but rather the contrary, the poor girl will be happy to find oneof these worn-out Siegfrieds, and the children will be the visible resultof this 'sensible' marriage. If we bear in mind that, aside from this, propagationas such is limited as much as possible, so that Nature is prevented frommaking any choice, since naturally every creature, regardless how miserable,must be preserved, the only question that remains is why such an institutionexists at all any more and what purpose it is supposed to serve? Isn't itexactly the same as prostitution itself? Hasn't duty toward posterity passedcompletely out of the picture? Or do people fail to realize what a curseon the part of their children and children's children they are heaping onthemselves by such criminal frivolity in observing the ultimate naturallaw as well as our ultimate natural obligation?

Thus, the civilized peoples degenerate and gradually perish.

And marriage cannot be an end in itself, but must serve theone higher goal, the increase and preservation of the species and the race.This alone is its meaning and its task.

Under these conditions its soundness can only be judged by theway in which it fulfills this task. For this reason alone early marriageis sound, for it-gives the young marriage that strength from which alonea healthy and resistant offspring can arise. To be sure, it can be madepossible only by quite a number of social conditions without which earlymarriage is not even thinkable. Therefore, a solution of this question,small as it is, cannot occur without incisive measures of a social sort.The importance of these should be most understandable at a time when the'social' - republic, if only by its incompetence in the solution of thehousing question, simply prevents numerous marriages and thus encouragesprostitution.

Our absurd way of regulating salaries, which concerns itselfmuch too little with the question of the family and its sustenance, is onemore reason that makes many an early marriage impossible.

Thus, a real fight against prostitution can only be undertakenif a basic change in social conditions makes possible an earlier marriagethan at present can generally take place. This is the very first premisefor a solution of this question.

In the second place, education and training must eradicate anumber of evils about which today no one bothers at all. Above all, in ourpresent education a balance must be created between mental instruction andphysical training. The institution that is called a Gymnasium today is amockery of the Greek model. In our educational system it has been utterlyforgotten that in the long run a healthy mind can dwell only in a healthybody. Especially if we bear in mind the mass of the people, aside from afew exceptions, this statement becomes absolutely valid.

In pre-War Germany there was a period in which no one concernedhimself in the least about this truth. They simply went on sinning againstthe body and thought that in the one-sided training of the 'mind,' theypossessed a sure guaranty for the greatness of the nation. A mistake whoseconsequences began to be felt sooner than was expected. It is no accidentthat th Bolshevistic wave never found better soil than in places inhabitedby a population degenerated by hunger and constant undernourishment: inCentral Germany, Saxony, and the Ruhr. But in all these districts the so-calledintelligentsia no longer offers any serious resistance to this Jewish disease,for the simple reason that this intelligentsia is itself completely degeneratephysically, though less for reasons of poverty than for reasons of education.In times when not the mind but the fist decides, the purely intellectualemphasis of our education in the upper classes makes them incapable of defendingthemselves, let alone enforcing their will. Not infrequently the first reasonfor personal cowardice lies in physical weaknesses.

The excessive emphasis on purely intellectual instruction andthe neglect of physical training also encourage the emergence of sexualideas at a much too early age. The youth who achieves the hardness of ironby sports and gymnastics succumbs to the need of sexual satisfaction lessthan the stay-at-home fed exclusively on intellectual fare. And a sensiblesystem of education must bear this in mind. It must, moreover, not failto consider that the healthy young man will expect different things fromthe woman than a prematurely corrupted weakling.

Thus, the whole system of education must be so organized asto use the boy's free time for the useful training of his body. He has noright to hang about in idleness during these years, to make the streetsand movie-houses unsafe; after his day's work he should steel and hardenhis young body, so that later life will not find him too soft. To beginthis and also carry it out, to direct and guide it, is the task of education,and not just the pumping of so-called wisdom. We must also do away withthe conception that the treatment of the body is the affair of every individual.There is no freedom to sin at the cost of posterity and hence of the race.

Parallel to the training of the body, a struggle against thepoisoning of the soul must begin. Our whole public life today is like ahothouse for sexual ideas and stimulations. Just look at the bill of fareserved up in our movies, vaudeville and theaters, and you will hardly beable to deny that this is not the right kind of food, particularly for theyouth. In shop windows and billboards the vilest means are used to attractthe attention of the crowd. Anyone who has not lost the ability to thinkhimself into their soul must realize that this must cause great damage inthe youth. This sensual, sultry atmosphere leads to ideas and stimulationsat a time when the boy should have no understanding of such things. Theresult of this kind of education can be studied in present-day youth, andit is not exactly gratifying. They mature too early and consequently growold before their time. Sometimes the public learns of court proceedingswhich permit shattering insights into the emotional life of our fourteen-and fifteen-year-olds. Who will be surprised that even in these age-groupssyphilis begins to seek its victims? And is it not deplorable to see a goodnumber of these physically weak, spiritually corrupted young men obtainingtheir introduction to marriage through big-city whores?

No, anyone who wants to attack prostitution must first of allhelp to eliminate its spiritual basis. He must clear away the filth of themoral plague of big-city ' civilization ' and he must do this ruthlesslyand without wavering in the face of all the shouting and screaming thatwill naturally be let loose. If we do not lift the youth out of the morassof their present-day environment, they will drown in it. Anyone who refusesto see these things supports them, and thereby makes himself an accomplicein the slow prostitution of our future which, whether we like it or not,lies in the coming generation. This cleansing of our culture must be extendedto nearly all fields. Theater, art, literature, cinema, press, posters,and window displays must be cleansed of all manifestations of our rottingworld and placed in the service of a moral political, and cultural idea.Public life must be freed from the stifling perfume of our modern eroticism,just as it must be freed from all unmanly, prudish hypocrisy. In all thesethings the goal and the road must be determined by concern for the preservationof the health of our people in body and soul. The right of personal freedomrecedes before the duty to preserve the race.

Only after these measures are carried out can the medical struggleagainst the plague itself be carried through with any prospect of success.But here, too, there must be no half-measures; the gravest and most ruthlessdecisions will have to be made. It is a half-measure to let incurably sickpeople steadily contaminate the remaining healthy ones. This is in keepingwith the humanitarianism which, to avoid hurting one individual, lets ahundred others perish. The demand that defective people be prevented frompropagating equally defective offspring is a demand of the clearest reasonand if systematically executed represents the most humane act of mankind.It will spare millions of unfortunates undeserved sufferings, and consequentlywill lead to a rising improvement of health as a whole. The determinationto proceed in this direction will oppose a dam to the further spread ofvenereal diseases. For, if necessary, the incurably sick will be pitilesslysegregated-a barbaric measure for the unfortunate who is struck by it, buta blessing for his fellow men and posterity. The passing pain of a centurycan and will redeem millenniums from sufferings.

The struggle against syphilis and the prostitution which preparesthe way for it is one of the most gigantic tasks of humanity, gigantic becausewe are facing, not the solution of a single question, but the eliminationof a large number of evils which bring about this plague as a resultantmanifestation. For in this case the sickening of the body is only the consequenceof a sickening of the moral, social, and racial instincts.

But if out of smugness, or even cowardice, this battle is notfought to its end, then take a look at the peoples five hundred years fromnow. I think you will find but few images of God, unless you want to profanethe Almighty.

But how did they try to deal with this plague in old Germany?Viewed calmly, the answer is really dismal. Assuredly, government circleswell recognized the terrible evils, though perhaps they were not quite ableto ponder the consequences; but in the struggle against it they failed totally,and instead of thoroughgoing reforms preferred to take pitiful measures.They tinkered with the disease and left the causes untouched. They submittedthe individual prostitute to a medical examination, supervised her as bestthey could, and, in case they established disease, put her in some hospitalfrom which after a superficial cure they again let her loose on the restof humanity.

To be sure, they had introduced a 'protective paragraph' accordingto which anyone who was not entirely healthy or cured must avoid sexualintercourse under penalty of the law. Surely this measure is sound in itself,but in its practical application it was almost a total failure. In the firstplace, the woman, in case she is smitten by misfortune-if only due to our,or rather her, education-will in most cases refuse to be dragged into courtas a witness against the wretched thief of her health-often under the mostembarrassing attendant circumstances. She, in particular, has little togain from it; in most cases she will be the one to suffer most-for she willbe struck much harder by the contempt of her loveless fellow creatures thanwould be the case with a man. Finally, imagine the situation if the conveyorof the disease is her own husband. Should she accuse him? Or what else shouldshe do?

In the case of the man, there is the additional fact that unfortunatelyhe often runs across the path of this plague after ample consumption ofalcohol, since in this condition he is least able to judge the qualitiesof his 'fair one,' a fact which is only too well known to the diseased prostitute,and always causes her to angle after men in this ideal condition. And theupshot of it all is that the man who gets an unpleasant surprise later can,even by thoroughly racking his brains, not remember his kind benefactress,which should not be surprising in a city like Berlin or even Munich. Inaddition, it must be considered that often we have to deal with visitorsfrom the provinces who are completely befuddled by all the magic of thebig city.

Finally, however: who can know whether he is sick or healthy?Are there not numerous cases in which a patient apparently cured relapsesand causes frightful mischief without himself suspecting it at first?

Thus, the practical effect of this protection by legal punishmentof a guilty infection is in reality practically nil. Exactly the same istrue of the supervision of prostitutes; and finally, the cure itself, eventoday, is dubious. Only one thing is certain: despite all measures the plaguespread more and more, giving striking confirmation of their ineffectualness.

The fight against the prostitution of the people's soul wasa failure all along the line, or rather, that is, nothing at all was done.

Let anyone who is inclined to take this lightly just study thebasic statistical facts on the dissemination of this plague, compare itsgrowth in the last hundred years, and then imagine its further development-andhe would really need the simplicity of an ass to keep an unpleasant shudderfrom running down his back.

The weakness and halfheartedness of the position taken in oldGermany toward so terrible a phenomenon may be evaluated as a visible signof a people's decay. If the power to fight for one's own health is no longerpresent, the right to live in this world of struggle ends. This world belongsonly to the forceful 'whole' man and not to the weak 'half ' man.

One of the most obvious manifestations of decay in the old Reichwas the slow decline of the cultural level, and by culture I do not meanwhat today is designated by the word ' civilization.' The latter, on thecontrary, rather seems hostile to a truly high standard of thinking andliving.

Even before the turn of the century an element began to intrudeinto our art which up to that time could be regarded as entirely foreignand unknown. To be sure, even in earlier times there were occasional aberrationsof taste, but such cases were rather artistic derailments, to which posteritycould attribute at least a certain historical value, than products no longerof an artistic degeneration, but of a spiritual degeneration that had reachedthe point of destroying the spirit. In them the political collapse, whichlater became more visible, was culturally indicated.

Art Bolshevism is the only possible cultural form and spiritualexpression of Bolshevism as a whole.

Anyone to whom this seems strange need only subject the artof the happily Bolshevized states to an examination, and, to his horror,he will be confronted by the morbid excrescences of insane and degeneratemen, with which, since the turn of the century, we have become familiarunder the collective concepts of cubism and dadaism, as the official andrecognized art of those states. Even in the short period of the BavarianRepublic of Councils, this phenomenon appeared. Even here it could be seenthat all the official posters, propagandist drawings in the newspapers,etc., bore the imprint, not only of political but of cultural decay.

No more than a political collapse of the present magnitude wouldhave been conceivable sixty years ago was a cultural collapse such as beganto manifest itself in futurist and cubist works since 1900 thinkable. Sixtyyears ago an exhibition of so-called dadaistic 'experiences' would haveseemed simply impossible and its organizers would have ended up in the madhouse,while today they even preside over art associations. This plague could notappear at that time, because neither would public opinion have toleratedit nor the state calmly looked on. For it is the business of the state,in other words, of its leaders, to prevent a people from being driven intothe arms of spiritual madness. And this is where such a development wouldsome day inevitably end. For on the day when this type of art really correspondedto the general view of things, one of the gravest transformations of humanitywould have occurred: the regressive development of the human mind wouldhave begun and the end would be scarcely conceivable.

Once we pass the development of our cultural life in the lasttwenty-five years in review from this standpoint, we shall be horrifiedto see how far we are already engaged in this regression. Everywhere weencounter seeds which represent the beginnings of parasitic growths whichmust sooner or later be the ruin of our culture. In them, too, we can recognizethe symptoms of decay of a slowly rotting world. Woe to the peoples whocan no longer master this disease!

Such diseases could be seen in Germany in nearly every fieldof art and culture. Everything seemed to have passed the high point andto be hastening toward the abyss. The theater was sinking manifestly lowerand even then would have disappeared completely as a cultural factor ifthe Court Theaters at least had not turned against the prostitution of art.If we disregard them and a few other praiseworthy examples, the offeringsof the stage were of such a nature that it would have been more profitablefor the nation to keep away from them entirely. It was a sad sign of innerdecay that the youth could no longer be sent into most of these so-called' abodes of art '-a fact which was admitted with shameless frankness bya general display of the penny-arcade warning: 'Young people are not admitted!'

Bear in mind that such precautionary measures had to be takenin the places which should have existed primarily for the education of theyouth and not for the delectation of old and jaded sections of the population.What would the great dramatists of all times have said to such a regulation,and what, above all, to the circumstances which caused it? How Schillerwould have flared up, how Goethe would have turned away in indignation!

But after all, what are Schiller, Goethe, or Shakespeare comparedto the heroes of the newer German poetic art? Old, outworn, outmoded, nay,obsolete. For that was the characteristic thing about that period: not thatthe period itself produced nothing but filth, but that in the bargain itbefouled everything that was really great in the past. This, to be sure,is a phenomenon that can always be observed at such times. The baser andmore contemptible the products of the time and its people, the Lore it hatesthe witnesses to the greater nobility and dignity of a former day. In suchtimes the people would best like to efface the memory of mankind's pastcompletely, so that by excluding every possibility of comparison they couldpass off their own trash as 'art.' Hence every new institution, the morewretched and miserable it is, will try all the harder to extinguish thelast traces of the past time, whereas every true renascence of humanitycan start with an easy mind from the good achievements of past generations;in fact, can often make them truly appreciated for the first time. It doesnot have to fear that it will pale before the past; no, of itself it contributesso valuable an addition to the general store of human culture that often,in order to make this culture fully appreciated, it strives to keep alivethe memory of former achievements, thus making sure that the present willfully understand the new gift. Only those who can give nothing valuableto the world, but try to act as if they were going to give it God knowswhat, will hate everything that was previously gives and would best liketo negate or even destroy it.

The truth of this is by no means limited to the field of generalculture, but applies to politics as well. Revolutionary new movements willhate the old forms in proportion to their own inferiority. Here, too, wecan see how eagerness to make their own trash appear to be something noteworthyleads to blind hatred against the superior good of the past. As long, forexample, as the historical memory of Frederick the Great is not dead, FriedrichEbert can arouse nothing but limited amazement. The hero of Sans-Souci isto the former Bremen saloon keeper approximately as the sun to the moon;only when the rays of the sun die can the moon shine. Consequently, thehatred of all new moons of humanity for the fixed stars is only too comprehensible.In political life, such nonentities, if Fate temporarily casts power intheir lap, not only besmirch and befoul the past with untiring zeal, butalso remove themselves from general criticism by the most extreme methods.The new German Reich's legislation for the defense of the Republic may passas an example of this.

Therefore, if any new idea, a doctrine, a new philosophy, oreven a political or economic movement tries to deny the entire past, triesto make it bad or worthless, for this reason alone we must be extremelycautious and suspicious. As a rule the reason for such hatred is eitherits own inferiority or even an evil intention as such. A really beneficialrenascence of humanity will always have to continue building where the lastgood foundation stops. It will not have to be ashamed of using already existingtruths. For the whole of human culture, as well as man himself is only theresult of a single long development in which every generation contributedand fitted in its stone. Thus the meaning and purpose of revolutions isnot to tear down the whole building but to remove what is bad or unsuitableand to continue building on the sound spot that has been laid bare.

Thus alone can we and may we speak of the progress of humanity.Otherwise the world would never be redeemed from chaos, since every generationwould be entitled to reject the past and hence destroy the works of thepast as the presupposition for its own work.

Thus, the saddest thing about the state of our whole cultureof the pre-War period was not only the total impotence of artistic and culturalcreative power in general, but the hatred with which the memory of the greaterpast was besmirched and effaced. In nearly all fields of art, especiallyin the theater and literature, we began around the turn of the century toproduce less that was new and significant, but to disparage the best ofthe old work and represent it as inferior and surpassed; as though thisepoch of the most humiliating inferiority could surpass anything at all.And from this effort to remove the past from the eyes of the present, theevil intent of the apostles of the future could clearly and distinctly beseen. By this it should have been recognized that these were no new, evenif false, cultural conceptions, but a process of destroying all culture,paving the way for a stultification of healthy artistic feeling: the spiritualpreparation of political Bolshevism. For if the age of Pericles seems embodiedin the Parthenon, the Bolshevistic present is embodied in a cubist
monstrosity.

In this connection we must also point to the cowardice whichhere again was manifest in the section of our people which on the basisof its education and position should have been obligated to resist thiscultural disgrace. But from pure fear of the clamor raised by the apostlesof Bolshevistic art, who furiously attacked anyone who didn't want to recognizethe crown of creation in them and pilloried him as a backward philistine,they renounced all serious resistance and reconciled themselves to whatseemed after all inevitable. They were positively scared stiff that thesehalf-wits or scoundrels would accuse them of lack of understanding; as thoughit were a disgrace not to understand the products of spiritual degeneratesor slimy swindlers. These cultural disciples, it is true, possessed a verysimple means of passing off their nonsense as something God knows how important:they passed off all sorts of incomprehensible and obviously crazy stuffon their amazed fellow men as a so-called inner experience, a cheap wayof taking any word of opposition out of the mouths of most people in advance.For beyond a doubt this could be an inner experience; the doubtful partwas whether it is permissible to dish up the hallucinations of lunaticsor criminals to the healthy world. The works of a Moritz von Schwind, orof a Bocklin, were also an inner experience, but of artists graced by Godand not of clowns.

Here was a good occasion to study the pitiful cowardice of ourso-called intelligentsia, which dodged any serious resistance to this poisoningof the healthy instinct of our people and left it to the people themselvesto deal with this insolent nonsense. In order not to be considered lackingin artistic understanding, people stood for every mockery of art and endedup by becoming really uncertain in the judgment of good and bad.

All in all, these were tokens of times that were getting very bad.

As another disquieting attribute, the following must yetbe stated:

In the nineteenth century our cities began more and more tolose the character of cultural sites and to descend to the level of merehuman settlements. The small attachment of our present big-city proletariatfor the town they live in is the consequence of the fact that it is onlythe individual's accidental local stopping place, and nothing more. Thisis partly connected with the frequent change of residence caused by socialconditions, which do not give a man time to form a closer bond with thecity, and another cause is to be found in the general cultural insignificanceand poverty of our present-day cities per se.

At the time of the wars of liberations the German cities werenot only small in number, but also modest as to size. The few really bigcities were mostly princely residences, and as such nearly always possesseda certain cultural value and for the most part also a certain artistic picture.The few places with more than fifty thousand inhabitants were, comparedto present-day cities with the same population, rich in scientific and artistictreasures When Munich numbered sixty thousand souls, it was already on itsway to becoming one of the first German art centers; today nearly everyfactory town has reached this number, if not many times surpassed it, yetsome cannot lay claim to the slightest real values. Masses of apartmentsand tenements, and nothing more How, in view of such emptiness, any specialbond could be expected to arise with such a town must remain a mystery.No one will be particularly attached to a city which has nothing more tooffer than every other, which lacks every individual note and in which everythinghas been carefully avoided which might even look like art or anything ofthe sort.

But, as if this were not enough, even the really big citiesgrow relatively poorer in real art treasures with the mounting increasein the population. They seem more and more standardized and give entirelythe same picture as the poor little factory towns, though in larger dimensions.What recent times have added to the cultural content of our big cities istotally inadequate. All our cities are living on the fame and treasuresof the past. For instance, take from present-day Munich everything thatwas created under Ludwig I,l and you will note with horror how poor theaddition of significant artistic creations has been since that time. Thesame is true of Berlin and most other big cities.

The essential point, however, is the following: our big citiesof today possess no monuments dominating the city picture, which might somehowbe regarded as the symbols of the whole epoch. This was true in the citiesof antiquity, since nearly every one possessed a special monument in whichit took pride. The characteristic aspect of the ancient city did not liein private buildings, but in the community monuments which seemed made,not for the moment, but for eternity, because they were intended to reflect,not the wealth of an individual owner, but the greatness and wealth of thecommunity. Thus arose monuments which were very well suited to unite theindividual inhabitant with his city in a way which today sometimes seemsalmost incomprehensible to us. For what the ancient had before his eyeswas less the humble houses of private owners than the magnificent edificesof the whole community. Compared to them the dwelling house really sankto the level of an insignificant object of secondary importance.

Only if we compare the dimensions of the ancient state structureswith contemporary dwelling houses can we understand the overpowering sweepand force of this emphasis on the principle of giving first place to publicworks. The few still towering colossuses which we admire in the ruins andwreckage of the ancient world are not former business palaces, but templesand state structures; in other words, works whose owner was the community.Even in the splendor of late Rome the first place was not taken by the villasand palaces of Individual citizens, but by the temples and baths, the stadiums,circuses, aqueducts, basilicas, etc., of the state, hence of the whole people.

Even the Germanic Middle Ages upheld the same guiding principle,though amid totally different conceptions of art. What in antiquity foundits expression in the Acropolis or the Pantheon now cloaked itself in theforms of the Gothic Cathedral. Like giants these monumental structures toweredover the swarming frames wooden, and brick buildings of the medieval city,and thus became symbols which even today, with the tenements climbing higherand higher beside them, determine the character and picture of these towns.Cathedrals, town halls, grain markets, and battlements are the visible signsof a Inception which in the last analysis was the same as that of antiquity.

Yet how truly deplorable the relation between state buildingsand private buildings has become today! If the fate of Rome should strikeBerlin, future generations would some day admire the department stores ofa few Jews as the mightiest works of our era and the hotels of a few corporationsas the characteristic expression of the culture of our times. Just comparethe miserable discrepancy prevailing in a city like even Berlin betweenthe structures of the Reich and those of finance and commerce

Even the sum of money spent on state buildings is usually laughableand inadequate. Works are not built for eternity, but at most for the needof the moment. And in them there is no dominant higher idea. At the timeof its construction, the Berlin Schloss was a work of different staturethan the new library, for instance, in the setting of the present time.While a single battleship represented a value of approximately sixty millions,hardly half of this sum was approved for the first magnificent buildingof the Reich, intended to stand for eternity, the Reichstag Building. Indeed,when the question of interior furnishings came up for decision, the exaltedhouse voted against the use of stone and ordered the walls trimmed withplaster; this time, I must admit, the parliamentarians did right for a change:stone walls are no place for plaster heads.

Thus, our cities of the present lack the outstanding symbolof national community which, we must therefore not be surprised to find,sees no symbol of itself in the cities. The inevitable result is a desolationwhose practical effect is the total indifference of the big-city dwellerto the destiny of his city.

This, too, is a sign of our declining culture and our generalcollapse. The epoch is stifling in the pettiest utilitarianism or betterexpressed in the service of money. And we have no call for surprise if undersuch a deity little sense of heroism remains. The present time is only harvestingwhat the immediate past has sown.

All these symptoms of decay are in the last analysis only the consequencesof the absence of a definite, uniformly acknowledged philosophy and sheresultant general uncertainty in the judgment and attitude toward the variousgreat problems of the time. That is why, beginning in education, everyoneis half-hearted and vacillating, shunning responsibility and thus endingin cowardly tolerance of even recognized abuses. Humanitarian bilge becomesstylish and, by weakly yielding to cankers and sparing individuals, thefuture of millions is sacrificed.

How widespread the general disunity was growing is shown byan examination of religious conditions before the War. Here, too, a unifiedand effective philosophical conviction had long since been lost in largesections of the nation. In this the members officially breaking away fromthe churches play a less important role than those who are completely indifferent.While both denominations maintain missions in Asia and Africa in order towin new followers for their doctrine-an activity which can boast but verymodest success compared to the advance of the Mohammedan faith in particularright here in Europe they lose millions and millions of inward adherentswho either are alien to all religious life or simply go their own ways.The consequences, particularly from the moral point of view, are not favorable.

Also noteworthy is the increasingly violent struggle againstthe dogmatic foundations of the various churches without which in this humanworld the practical existence of a religious faith is not conceivable. Thegreat masses of people do not consist of philosophers; precisely for themasses, faith is often the sole foundation of a moral attitude. The varioussubstitutes have not proved so successful from the standpoint of resultsthat they could be regarded as a useful replacement for previous religiouscreeds. But if religious doctrine and faith are really to embrace the broadmasses, the unconditional authority of the content of this faith is thefoundation of all efficacy. What the current mores, without which assuredlyhundreds of thousands of well-bred people would live sensibly and reasonablybut millions of others would not, are for general living, state principlesare for the state, and dogmas for the current religion. Only through themis the wavering and infinitely interpretable, purely intellectual idea delimitedand brought into a form without which it could never become faith. Otherwisethe idea would never pass beyond a metaphysical conception; in short, aphilosophical opinion. The attack against dogmas as such, therefore, stronglyresembles the struggle against the general legal foundations of a state,and, as the latter would end in a total anarchy of the state, the formerwould end in a worthless religious nihilism.

For the political man, the value of a religion must be estimatedless by its deficiencies than by the virtue of a visibly better substitute.As long as this appears to be lacking, what is present can be demolishedonly by fools or criminals.

Not the smallest blame for the none too delectable religiousconditions must be borne by those who encumber the religious idea with toomany things of a purely earthly nature and thus often bring it into a totallyunnecessary conflict with so-called exact science. In this victory willalmost always fall to the latter, though perhaps after a hard struggle,and religion will suffer serious damage in the eyes of all those who areunable to raise themselves above a purely superficial knowledge.

Worst of all, however, is the devastation wrought by the misuseof religious conviction for political ends. In truth, we cannot sharplyenough attack those wretched crooks who would like to make religion an implementto perform political or rather business services for them. These insolentliars, it is true, proclaim their creed in a stentorian voice to the wholeworld for other sinners to hear; but their intention is not, if necessary,to die for it, but to live better. For a single-political swindle, providedit brings in enough, they are willing to sell the heart of a whole religion;for ten parliamentary mandates they would ally themselves with the Marxisticmortal enemies of all religions-and for a minister's chair they would evenenter into marriage with the devil, unless the devil were deterred by aremnant of decency.

If in Germany before the War religious life for many had anunpleasant aftertaste, this could be attributed to the abuse of Christianityon the-part of a so-called ' Christian ' party and the shameless way inwhich they attempted to identify the Catholic faith with a political party.

This false association was a calamity which may have broughtparliamentary mandates to a number of good-for-nothings but injury to theChurch.

The consequence, however, had to be borne by the whole nation,since the outcome of the resultant slackening of religious life occurredat a time when everyone was beginning to waver and vacillate anyway, andthe traditional foundations of ethics and morality were threatening to collapse.

This, too, created cracks and rifts in our nation which mightpresent no danger as long as no special strain-arose, but which inevitablybecame catastrophic when by the force of great events the question of theinner solidity of the nation achieved decisive importance.

Likewise in the field of politics the observant eye coulddiscern evils which, if not remedied or altered within a reasonable time,could be and had to be regarded as signs of the Reich's coming decay. Theaimlessness of German domestic and foreign policy was apparent to everyonewho was not purposely blind. The regime of compromise seemed to be mostin keeping with Bismarck's conception that 'politics is an art of the possible.'But between Bismarck and the later German chancellors there was a slightdifference which made it permissible for the former to let fall such anutterance on the nature of politics while the same view from the mouthsof his successors could not but take on an entirely different meaning. ForBismarck with this phrase only wanted to say that for the achievement ofa definite political goal all possibilities should be utilized, or, in otherwords, that all possibilities should be taken into account; in the viewof his successors, however, this utterance solemnly released them from thenecessity of having any political ideas or goals whatever. And the leadershipof the Reich at this time really had no more political goals; for the necessaryfoundation of a definite philosophy was lacking, as well as the necessaryclarity on the inner laws governing the development of all political life.

There were not a few who saw things blackly in this respectand flayed the planlessness and heedlessness of the Reich's policies, andwell recognized their inner weakness and hollowness but these were onlyoutsiders in political life; the official government authorities passedby the observations of a Houston Stewart Chamberlain with the same indifferenceas still occurs today. These people are too stupid to think any-thing forthemselves and too conceited to learn what is necessary from others-an age-oldtruth which caused Oxenstierna to cry out: 'The world is governed by a merefraction of wisdom';l and indeed nearly every ministerial secretary embodiesonly an atom of this fraction. Only since Germany has become a republic,this no longer applies. That is why it has been forbidden by the Law forthe Defense of the Republic 2 to believe, let alone discuss, any such thought.Oxenstierna was lucky to live when he did, and not in this wise republicof ours.

Even in the pre-War period that institution which was supposedto embody the strength of the Reich was recognized by many as its greatestweakness: the parliament or Reichstag. Cowardice and irresponsibility werehere completely wedded.
One of the foolish remarks which today we not infrequently hear is thatparliamentarism in Germany has 'gone wrong since the revolution.' This tooeasily gives the impression that it was different before the revolution.In reality the effect of this institution can be nothing else than devastating-andthis was true even in those days when most people wore blinders and sawnothing and wanted to see nothing. For if Germany was crushed, it was owingnot least to this institution; no thanks are owing to the Reichstag thatthe catastrophe did not occur earlier; this must be attributed to the resistanceto the activity of this gravedigger of the German nation and the GermanReich, which persisted in the years of peace.

Out of the vast number of devastating evils for which this institutionwas directly or indirectly responsible, I shall pick only a single one whichis most in keeping with the inner essence of this most irresponsible institutionof all times: the terrible halfheartedness and weakness of the politicalleaders of the Reich both at home and abroad, which, primarily attributableto the activities of the Reichstag, developed into one of the chief reasonsfor the political collapse.

Half-hearted was everything that was subject in any way to theinfluence of this parliament, regardless which way you look.

Half-hearted and weak was the alliance policy of the Reich inits foreign relations. By trying to preserve peace it steered inevitablytoward war.

Half-hearted was the Polish policy. It consisted in irritatingwithout ever seriously going through with anything. The result was neithera victory for the Germans nor conciliation of the Poles, but hostility withRussia instead.

Half-hearted was the solution of the Alsace-Lorraine question.Instead of crushing the head of the French hydra once and for all with abrutal fist, and then granting the Alsatian equal rights, neither of thetwo was done. Nor could it be, for in the ranks of the biggest parties satthe biggest traitors-in the Center, for example, Herr Wetterle.

All this, however, would have been bearable if the general halfheartednesshad not taken possession of that power on whose existence the survival ofthe Reich ultimately depended: the army.

The sins of the so-called 'German Reichstag' would alone sufficeto cover it for all times with the curse of the German nation. For the mostmiserable reasons, these parliamentary rabble stole and struck from thehand of the nation its weapon of self-preservation, the only defense ofour people's freedom and independence. If today the graves of Flanders fieldwere to open, from them would arise the bloody accusers, hundreds of thousandsof the best young Germans who, due to the unscrupulousness of these parliamentariancriminals, were driven, poorly trained and half-trained, into the arms ofdeath; the fatherland lost them and millions of crippled and dead, solelyand alone so that a few hundred misleaders of the people could perpetratetheir political swindles and blackmail, or merely rattle off their doctrinairetheories.

While the Jews in their Marxist and democratic press proclaimedto the whole world the lie about 'German militarism' and sought to incriminateGermany by all means, the Marxist and democratic parties were obstructingany comprehensive training of the German national man-power. The enormouscrime that was thus committed could not help but be clear to everyone whojust considered that, in case of a coming war, the entire nation would haveto take up arms, and that, therefore, through the rascality of these savoryrepresentatives of their own so-called 'popular representation,' millionsof Germans were driven to face the enemy half-trained and badly trained.But even if the consequences resulting from the brutal and savage unscrupulousnessof these parliamentary pimps were left entirely out of consideration: thislack of trained soldiers at the beginning of the War could easily lead toits loss, and this was most terribly confirmed in the great World War.

The loss of the fight for the freedom and independence of theGerman nation is the result of the half-heartedness and weakness manifestedeven in peacetime as regards drafting the entire national man-power forthe defense of the fatherland.

If too few recruits were trained on the land, the same halfheartednesswas at work on the sea, making the weapon of national self-preservationmore or less worthless. Unfortunately the navy leadership was itself infectedwith the spirit of halfheartedness. The tendency to build all ships a littlesmaller than the English ships which were being launched at the same timewas hardly farsighted, much less brilliant. Especially a fleet which fromthe beginning can in point of pure numbers not be brought to the same levelas its presumable adversary must seek to compensate for the lack of numbersby the superior fighting power of its individual ships. It is the superiorfighting power which matters and not any legendary superiority in 'quality.'Actually modern technology is so far advanced and has achieved so much uniformityin the various civilized countries that it must be held impossible to givethe ships of one power an appreciably larger combat value than the shipsof like tonnage of another state. And it is even less conceivable to achievea superiority with smaller deplacement as compared to larger.

In actual fact, the smaller tonnage of the German ships waspossible only at the cost of speed and armament. The phrase with which peopleattempted to justify this fact showed a very serious lack of logic in thedepartment responsible for this in peacetime. They declared, for instance,that the material of the German guns was so obviously superior to the Britishthat the German 28-centimeter gun was not behind the British 30.5centimetergun in performance!!

But for this very reason it would have been our duty to changeover to the 30.5-centimeter gun, for the goal should have been the achievement,not of equal but of superior fighting power. Otherwise it would have beensuperfluous for the army to order the 42-centimeter mortar, since the German21-centimeter mortar was in itself superior to any then existing high trajectoryFrench cannon, and the fortresses would have likewise fallen to the 30.5-centimetermortar. The leadership of the land army, however, thought soundly, whilethat of the navy unfortunately did not.

The neglect of superior artillery power and superior speed layentirely in. the absolutely erroneous so-called 'idea of risk.' The navyleadership by the very form in which it expanded the fleet renounced attackand thus from the outset inevitably assumed the defensive. But in this theyalso renounced the ultimate success which is and can only be forever inattack.

A ship of smaller speed and weaker armament will as a rule besent to the bottom by a speedier and more heavily armed enemy at the firingdistance favorable for the latter. A number of our cruisers were to findthis out to their bitter grief. The utter mistakenness of the peacetimeopinion of the navy staff was shown by the War, which forced the introduction,whenever possible, of modified armament in old ships and better armamentin newer ones. If in the battle of Skagerrak the German ships had had thetonnage, the armament, the same speed as the English ships, the Britishnavy would have found a watery grave beneath the hurricane of the more accurateand more effective German 38-centimeter shells.

Japan carried on a different naval policy in those days. There,on principle, the entire emphasis was laid on giving every single new shipsuperior fighting power over the presumable adversary. The result was agreater possibility of offensive utilization of the navy.

While the staff of the land army still kept free of such basicallyfalse trains of thought, the navy, which unfortunately had better 'parliamentary'representation, succumbed to the spirit of parliament. It was organizedon the basis of half-baked ideas and was later used in a similar way. Whatimmortal fame the navy nevertheless achieved could only be set to the accountof the skill of the German armaments worker and the ability and incomparableheroism of the individual officers and crews. If the previous naval highcommand had shown corresponding intelligence, these sacrifices would nothave been in vain.

Thus perhaps it was precisely the superior parliamentary dexterityof the navy's peacetime head that resulted in its misfortune, since, evenin its building, parliamentary instead of purely military criteria unfortunatelybegan to play the decisive role. The half-heartedness and weakness as wellas the meager logic in thinking, characteristic of the parliamentary institution,began to color the leadership of the navy.

The land army, as already emphasized, still refrained from suchbasically false trains of thought. Particularly the colonel in the greatGeneral Staff of that time, Ludendorff, carried on a desperate struggleagainst the criminal half-heartedness and weakness with which the Reichstagapproached the vital problems of the nation, and for the most part negatedthem. If the struggle which this officer then carried on was neverthelessin vain, the blame was borne half by parliament and half by the attitudeand weakness even more miserable, if possible- of Reich Chancellor BethmannHollweg. Yet today this does not in the least prevent those who were responsiblefor the German collapse from putting the blame precisely on him who alonecombated this neglect of national interests-one swindle more or less isnothing to these born crooks.

Anyone who contemplates all the sacrifices which were heapedon the nation by the criminal frivolity of these most irresponsible amongirresponsibles, who passes in review all the uselessly sacrificed dead andmaimed, as well as the boundless shame and disgrace, the immeasurable miserywhich has now struck us, and knows that all this happened only to clearthe path to ministers' chairs for a gang of unscrupulous climbers and job-hunters-anyonewho contemplates all this will understand that these creatures can, believeme, be described only by words such as ' scoundrel, ' ' villain, ' ' scum,' and ' criminal, ' otherwise the meaning and purpose of having these expressionsin our linguistic usage would be incomprehensible. For compared to thesetraitors to the nation, every pimp is a man of honor.

Strangely enough, all the really seamy sides of old Germanyattracted attention only when the inner solidarity of the nation would inevitablysuffer thereby. Yes, indeed, in such cases the unpleasant truths were positivelybellowed to the broad masses, while otherwise the same people preferredmodestly to conceal many things and in part simply to deny them. This wasthe case when the open discussion of a question might have led to an improvement.At the same time, the government offices in charge knew next to nothingof the value and nature of propaganda. The fact that by clever and perseveringuse of propaganda even heaven can be represented as hell to the people,and conversely the most wretched life as paradise, was known only to theJew, who acted accordingly; the German, or rather his government, hadn'tthe faintest idea of this.

During the War we were to suffer most gravely for all this.

Along with all the evils of German life before the War hereindicated, and many more, there were also many advantages. In a fair examination,we must even recognize that most of our weaknesses were largely shared byother countries and peoples, and in some, indeed, we were put completelyin the shade, while they did not possess many of our own actual advantages.

At the head of these advantages we can, among other things,set the fact that, of nearly all European peoples, the German people stillmade the greatest attempt to preserve the national character of its economyand despite certain evil omens was least subject to international financialcontrol. A dangerous advantage, to be sure, which later became the greatestinstigator of the World War. But aside from this and many other things,we must, from the vast number of healthy sources of national strength, pickthree institutions which in their kind were exemplary and in part unequaled.

First, the state form as such and the special stamp which ithad received in modern Germany.

Here we may really disregard the individual monarchs who asmen are subject to all the weaknesses which are customarily visited uponthis earth and its children; if we were not lenient in this, we would haveto despair of the present altogether, for are not the representatives ofthe present regime, considered as personalities, intellectually and morallyof the most modest proportions that we can conceive of even racking ourbrains for a long time? Anyone who measures the 'value' of the German revolutionby the value and stature of the personalities which it has given the Germanpeople since November, 1919, will have to hide his head for shame beforethe judgment of future generations, whose tongue it will no longer be possibleto stop by protective laws, etc., and which therefore will say what todayall of us know to be true, to wit, that brains and virtue in our modernGerman leaders are inversely proportionate to their vices and the size oftheir mouths.

To be sure, the monarchy had grown alien to many, to the broadmasses above all. This was the consequence of the fact that the monarchswere not always surrounded by the brightest -to put it mildly-and aboveall not by the sincerest minds. Unfortunately, a number of them liked fiatterersbetter than straightforward natures, and consequently it was the fiattererswho 'instructed' them. A very grave evil at a time when many of the world'sold opinions had undergone a great change, spreading naturally to the estimationin which many old-established traditions of the courts were held.

Thus, at the turn of the century the common man in the streetcould no longer find any special admiration for the princess who rode alongthe front in uniform. Apparently those in authority were incapable of correctlyjudging the effect of such a parade in the eyes of the people, for if theyhad, such unfortunate performances would doubtless not have occurred. Moreover,the humanitarian bilge-not always entirely sincere-that these circles wentin for repelled more than it attracted. If, for example, Princess X condescendedto taste a sample of food in a people's kitchen, in former days it mighthave looked well, but now the result was the opposite. We may be justifiedin assuming that Her Highness really had no idea that the food on the dayshe sampled it was a little different from what it usually was; but it wasquite enough that the people knew it.

Thus, what may possibly have been the best intention becameridiculous, if not actually irritating.

Stories about the monarch's proverbial frugality, his much tooearly rising and his slaving away until late into the night, amid the permanentperil of threatening undernourishment, aroused very dubious comments. Peopledid not ask to know what food and how much of it the monarch deigned toconsume; they did not begrudge him a 'square' meal; nor were they out todeprive him of the sleep he needed; they were satisfied if in other things,as a man and character, he was an honor to the name of his house and tothe nation, and if he fulfilled his duties as a ruler. Telling fairy taleshelped little, but did all the more harm.

This and many similar things were mere trifles, however. Whathad a worse effect on sections of the nation, that were unfortunately verylarge, was the mounting conviction that people were ruled from the top nomatter what happened, and that, therefore, the individual had no need tobother about anything. As long as the government was really good, or atleast had the best intentions, this was bearable. But woe betide if theold government whose intentions were after all good were replaced by a newone which was not so decent; then spineless compliance and childlike faithwere the gravest calamity that could be conceived of.

But along with these and many other weaknesses, there were unquestionableassets.

For one thing, the stability of the entire state leadership,brought about by the monarchic form of state and the removal of the higheststate posts from the welter of speculation by ambitious politicians. Furthermore,the dignity of the institution as such and the authority which this alonecreated: likewise the raising of the civil service and particularly thearmy above the level of party obligations. One more advantage was the personalembodiment of the state's summit in the monarch as a person, and the exampleof responsibility which is bound to be stronger in a monarch than in theaccidental rabble of a parliamentary majority-the proverbial incorruptibilityof the German administration could primarily be attributed to this. Finally,the cultural value of the monarchy for the German people was high and couldvery well compensate for other drawbacks. The German court cities were stillthe refuge of an artistic state of mind, which is increasingly threateningto die out in our materialistic times. What the German princes did for artand science, particularly in the nineteenth century, was exemplary. Thepresent period in any case cannot be compared with it.

As the greatest credit factor, however, in this period ofincipient and slowly spreading decomposition of our nation, we must notethe army. It was the mightiest school of the German nation, and not fornothing was the hatred of all our enemies directed against this buttressof national freedom and independence. No more glorious monument can be dedicatedto this unique institution than a statement of the truth that it was slandered,hated, combated, and also feared by all inferior peoples. The fact thatthe rage of the international exploiters of our people in Versailles wasdirected primarily against the old German army permits us to recognize itas the bastion of our national freedom against the power of the stock exchange.Without this warning power, the intentions of Versailles would long sincehave been carried out against our people. What the German people owes tothe army can be briefly summed up in a single word, to wit: everything.

The army trained men for unconditional responsibility at a timewhen this quality had grown rare and evasion of it was becoming more andmore the order of the day, starting with the model prototype of all irresponsibility,the parliament; it trained men in personal courage in an age when cowardicethreatened to become a raging disease and the spirit of sacrifice, the willingnessto give oneself for the general welfare, was looked on almost as stupidity,and the only man regarded as intelligent was the one who best knew how toindulge and advance his own ego. it was the school that still taught theindividual German not to seek the salvation of the nation in lying phrasesabout an international brotherhood between Negroes, Germans, Chinese, French,etc., but in the force and solidarity of our own nation.

The army trained men in resolution while elsewhere in life indecisionand doubt were beginning to determine the actions of men. In an age wheneverywhere the know-it-alls were setting the tone, it meant something touphold the principle that some command is always better than none. In thissole principle there was still an unspoiled robust health which would longsince have disappeared from the rest of our life if the army and its traininghad not provided a continuous renewal of this primal force. We need onlysee the terrible indecision of the Reich's present leaders, who can summonup the energy for no action unless it is the forced signing of a new decreefor plundering the people; in this case, to be sure, they reject all responsibilityand with the agility of a court stenographer sign everything that anyonemay see fit to put before them. In this case the decision is easy to take;for it is dictated.

The army trained men in idealism and devotion to the fatherlandand its greatness while everywhere else greed and materialism had spreadabroad. It educated a single people in contrast to the division into classesand in this perhaps its sole mistake was the institution of voluntary one-yearenlistment. A mistake, because through it the principle of unconditionalequality was broken, and-the man with higher education was removed fromthe setting of his general environment, while precisely the exact oppositewould have been advantageous. In view of the great unworldliness of ourupper classes and their constantly mounting estrangement from their ownpeople, the army could have exerted a particularly beneficial effect ifin its own ranks, at least, it had avoided any segregation of the so-calledintelligentsia. That this was not done was a mistake; but what institutionin this world makes no mistakes? In this one, at any rate, the good wasso predominant that the few weaknesses lay far beneath the average degreeof human imperfection.

It must be attributed to the army of the old Reich as its highestmerit that at a time when heads were generally counted by majorities, itplaced heads above the majority. Confronted with -the Jewish-democraticidea of a blind-worship of numbers, the army sustained belief in personality.And thus it trained what the new epoch most urgently needed: men. In themorass of a universally spreading softening and effeminization, each yearthree hundred and fifty thousand vigorous young men sprang from the ranksof the army, men who in their two years' training had lost the softnessof youth and achieved bodies hard as steel. The young man who practicedobedience during this time could-then learn to command. By his very stepyou could recognize the soldier who had done his service.

This was--the highest school of the German nation, and it wasnot for nothing that the bitterest hatred of those who from envy and-greedneeded and desired the impotence of the Reich and the defenselessness ofits citizens was concentrated on it What many Germans in their blindnessor ill will did not want to see was recognized-by the foreign world: theGerman army was the mightiest weapon serving the freedom of the German nationand the sustenance of its children.

The third in the league, along with the state form and thearmy, was the incomparable civil service of the old Reich.

Germany was the best organized and best administered countryin the world. The German government official might well be accused of bureaucraticred tape, but in the other countries things were no better in this respect;they were worse. But what the other countries did not possess was the wonderfulsolidity of this apparatus and the incorruptible honesty of its members.It was better to be a little old-fashioned, but honest and loyal, than enlightenedand modern, but of inferior character and, as is often seen today, ignorantand incompetent. For if today people like to pretend that the German administrationof the pre-War period, though bureaucratically sound, was bad from a businesspoint of view, only the following answer can be given: what country in theworld had an institution better directed and better organized in a businesssense than Germany's state railways? It was reserved to the revolution togo on wrecking this exemplary apparatus until at last it seemed ripe forbeing taken out of the hands of the nation and socialized according to thelights of this Republic's founders; in other words, made to serve internationalstock exchange capital, the power behind the German revolution.

What especially distinguished the German civil service and administrativeapparatus was their independence from the individual governments whose passingpolitical views could have no effect on the job of German civil servant.Since the revolution, it must be admitted, this has completely changed.Ability and competence were replaced by party ties and a self-reliant, independentcharacter became more of a hindrance than a help.
The state form, the army. and the civil service formed the basis for theold Reich's wonderful power and strength. These first and foremost werethe reasons for a quality which is totally lacking in the present-day state:state's authority! For this is not based on bull-sessions in parliamentsor provincial diets, or on laws for its protection, or court sentences tofrighten those who insolently deny it, etc., but on the general confidencewhich may and can be placed in the leadership and administration of a commonwealth.This confidence, in turn, results only from an unshakable inner faith inthe selflessness and honesty of the government and administration of a countryand from an agreement between the spirit of the laws and the general ethicalview. For in the long run government systems are not maintained by the pressureof violence, but by faith in their soundness and in the. truthfulness withwhich they represent and advance the interests of a people.

Gravely as certain evils of the pre-War period corroded andthreatened to undermine the inner strength of the nation, it must not beforgotten that other states suffered even more than Germany from most ofthese ailments and yet in the critical hour of danger did not nag and perish.But if we consider that the German weaknesses before the War were balancedby equally great strengths, the ultimate cause of the collapse can and mustlie in a different field; and this is actually the case.

The deepest and ultimate reason for the decline of the old Reichlay in its failure to recognize the racial problem and its importance forthe historical development of peoples. For events in the lives of peoplesare not expressions of chance, but processes related to the self-preservationand propagation of the species and the race and subject to the laws of Nature,even if people are not conscious of the inner reason for their actions.



[ Other White Nationalist Texts ] [ Mein Kampf: Table of Contents ]

Was Hitler right? Some politicians are so afraid you'll answer “yes” that they've outlawed the chapter you just read. So what do you think? Post your opinion to the Crusader/CNG Discussion Forum.

A hard copy of Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf is available from National Vanguard Books. The link will take you to their catalog, where both English and German editions are offered under the “Western Philosophy and Ideology” section.



Hosted by Stormfront White Nationalist Resources | Join Discussion Forum