The "Reparations" Hoax
The demand for reparations
is based on a false understanding of American history.
by William Robertson Boggs
The first part of this article described rising demands among blacks
for government "reparations" for the enslavement of blacks. Activists argue
that slavery was a uniquely evil crime and that all of today's Americans,
whether descended from slave owners or not, benefit from the work of slaves
who "built America." On this basis, it is common to demand as much as $1
million for each black now living in America.
It is pure silliness to claim, as reparationists do, that the United
States was made uniquely prosperous by the labors of blacks. Blacks contributed
to the development of America in much the same way horses did, by laboring
under the direction of whites. Moreover, it was those parts of the country
where slaves were most common that have always been poorest and remain
poor to this day.
Eugene Genovese, a Marxist historian of slavery who certainly has little
sympathy for slaveholders, writes that the slave system retarded the development
of the South. He argues that since slaves could not be taught to handle
livestock carefully, the South did not develop a cattle industry. Modern
agricultural equipment could not be introduced on plantations because slaves
were sure to break it. The only farm implements that survived were simple,
crude, and heavy. The "nigger hoe," for example, weighed three times as
much as the more effective "English hoe," which slaves habitually broke.
Slave labor in factories was virtually out of the question because slaves
could not be trusted with machinery.
The slave was said to be the laziest, most untrustworthy servant on
earth and had constantly to be watched. A common reflection on his abilities
was that "It takes two slaves to help one to do nothing." Nor was it always
possible to wring more work out of a slave by threat of punishment. "Every
attempt to force a slave beyond the limit that he fixes himself," wrote
one owner, ". . . only tends to make him unprofitable, unmanageable, a
vexation and a curse."
One Yankee estimated
that many slaves worked only one third as much as a hired hand in New England.
Other than in the cotton fields, there is some doubt as to whether slavery
was even profitable. Frederick Law Olmstead (1822-1903), the landscape
architect who designed Central Park in New York City, made a study of slavery
when he toured the antebellum South. He estimated that on many plantations
slaves worked one third as much as a hired hand on a New England farm.
He was convinced that free blacks could be hired for considerably less
than the cost of keeping slaves.
Although some slaves were driven for long hours, northern anti-slavery
tracts abounded with accounts of how the excessive leisure of slavery would
be ended under strict, Northern employment practices. They promised that
abolition would produce a decisive rise in the nation's productivity.
Northern working men were well aware of these arguments. Slaves were
provided for as children and maintained in sickness and in old age. Northern
wage earners, who had no sick leave, children's allowances, or retirement
benefits, often wondered if they were not worse off than slaves.
A workingman's newspaper, The Fall River Mechanic, lashed out
at "men who stand and dole out pity for the southern slave but would crush
with an iron hand the white laborer of the north." Another paper, The
Man, mocked the upper-class women who supported abolition:
Their tender hearts were sighing
As the negro's wrongs were told
While the white slave was dying
Who gained their father's gold.
Many Southerners firmly believed that they treated slaves better
than Yankee capitalists treated workers. James Hammond, a Southern senator
once rebuked his colleague from New York on the Senate floor with the following
words: "Our slaves are hired for life and well compensated. . . . Yours
are hired by the day, not cared for, and scantily compensated."
One indication of the value placed on the lives of slaves was a practice
that Olmstead noted in his travels: Irish navvies were invariably hired
to drain swamps and dig irrigation ditches. Malaria and intestinal disease
made this some of the most dangerous work in the South. When Olmstead asked
why the Irish were hired for it, he was told, "It's dangerous work and
a negro's life is too valuable to be risked at it. If a negro dies it is
a considerable loss you know."
The black man's value as a slave protected him in other ways. From 1840
to 1860, of the more than 300 people lynched by mobs in the South, fewer
than ten percent were blacks. So long as the black man had tangible property
value he was safer from lynch mobs than a white man.
As Olmstead noted, when the black man was definitely a slave,
it seemed to break down the "natural" revulsion of whites for blacks, and
lead to affection and intimacy of a kind that would have sickened Northerners.
It was after Reconstruction, when free blacks were goaded on by carpetbaggers
to mistreat and humiliate their former masters, that lower-class whites
began to hate blacks and take pleasure in lynching them.
Reign of Terror
Today, as part of the reparations campaign, slavery must be described
as a psychopathic reign of terror, the blackest blot on the record of the
white man. There certainly were cases of barbarous mistreatment, but they
In The Mind of the South, W.J. Cash writes that the standard
that "no one but a cur beat, starved, or overdrove his slaves became a
living rule of daily conduct; a standard so binding as to generate contempt
for whoever violated it." Many owners took pride in the kindness they showed
"their people," and even among Northern abolitionists there was grudging
acknowledgement of a certain noblesse oblige among the better
element in the South. It is worth noting that even in that great abolitionist
tract, Uncle Tom's Cabin, the sadistic villain was not a Southern
slave owner but a Yankee overseer.
Slaves were valuable property, which only one Southern household in
five could afford. The rougher classes who might have been abusive masters
were generally too poor to own slaves.[N]
Although it is unfashionable to acknowledge it today, the bonds of master
and slave were often affectionate. A contemporary ditty illustrates why
some slaveholders resisted the idea of "colonizing" blacks by sending them
back to Africa:
What! Colonize old coachman Dick!
That slaves were commonly addressed as "Auntie," "Uncle," or "Mammie,"
showed the affection their masters felt for them. There certainly were
acts of cruelty against slaves, but to dwell on them is to paint a false
picture of the South. When Jefferson Davis took leave of the slaves on
his Mississippi plantation to assume the Presidency of the Confederate
government in Montgomery, he wept and his slaves wept. Of course, the "happy
darkies" picture of slavery is not the whole story either. Wherever Union
armies marched through the South, all but the house servants usually escaped
to join them.
My foster brother Nat!
My more than mother when I'm sick,
Come, Hal, no more of that!
Reparations activists commonly maintain that the government "promised"
freed slaves 40 acres and a mule, and that this gives today's blacks a
legal claim. It is true that Thaddeus Stevens, who wanted to punish the
South, proposed legislation to seize all Southern land holdings worth $5,000
or more, break them up into 40 acre plots and give them to blacks. His
intention was not so much to benefit blacks as to humiliate the Southern
aristocracy, which he hated, and his bill never became law.
Reparations agitators also ignore the fact that some slaveholders were
black. In 1830, more than 3,600 free blacks owned slaves, and a few were
prosperous enough to own as many as a hundred. How would a reparations
program treat the descendants of blacks who owned slaves – or who were
owned by blacks?
Although it is specifically slavery over which the white man is supposed
to beat his breast, by some measures slaves fared better than free blacks.
According to one contemporary study, the slave infant mortality rate was
153 per thousand. As late as 1915, the infant mortality rate among
blacks in Massachusetts was 163 per thousand, while in Pennsylvania it
was 185 and in New York, 192.
The Final Tally
The reparations argument is based in part on the view that even if there
are no longer any slaves who can be paid for their forced labor, the country
as a whole has benefited so much from slavery that it should pay for that
benefit. In fact, the final tally on the presence in America of blacks,
whether slave or free, is overwhelmingly negative.
Far from contributing to the nation's progress, slavery was probably
an obstacle to the South's development. Moreover, as Abraham Lincoln once
pointed out to a delegation of blacks, the presence of their race was the
of the nation's greatest frenzy of self destruction: "See our present condition
– the country engaged in war! – our white men cutting one another's throats....
But for your race among us there could not be war, although many
engaged on either side do not care for you one way or another."
Ever since abolition, those parts of the country with large black populations
have been afflicted with crime and poverty, which have only worsened in
recent decades. It is through only the most heroic "celebration of diversity"
that the presence of blacks in the United States can be seen as anything
short of a calamity, and it is one for which whites continue to pay a high
Prisons, welfare, and crime prevention are disproportionately paid for
by whites. Underclass blacks have made many of our cities so squalid and
dangerous that whites rarely venture into them. School integration has
so lowered the standards of public instruction that many whites now pay
for two systems: public schools for blacks and private schools for their
own children (see the following book review). As Southerners now sometimes
observe, "If we had known then what we know now, we would have picked the
cotton ourselves." They feel they have already suffered more than enough
for the sins of their ancestors.
Slavery was practiced by a fraction of the people in just one section
of the country. Only a tiny minority of the current white population counts
slaveholders among its ancestors. Slavery came to an end nearly 130 years
ago and it is because of slavery that today's black Americans enjoy a higher
standard of living than blacks anywhere on earth. The call for "reparations"
is therefore just one more attempt to blame whites for the failures of
blacks and to use this as a pretext for more race-based spoils.
• • • BACK
TO TOP • • •
Integration . . . Disintegration
A scrupulously researched
of how the public schools
in the name of racial
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
University of Tennessee Press, 1984 (paperback
edition 1992), 346 pp., $14.95
The most unjustifiable excesses of "civil rights" – affirmative action,
busing, racially gerrymandered voting districts – have invariably been
the work of the U.S. Supreme Court. Nine unelected justices have repeatedly
endorsed ruinous policies that flouted the Constitution, the Congress,
and the will of the American people. In The Burden of Brown, Professor
Raymond Wolters of the University of Delaware chronicles the formulation
of one of those ruinous policies: the mandatory racial mixing that destroyed
the American public school system.
The United States has a written Constitution that is supposed to be
the basis for all laws. There is a procedure for amending it. However,
in Professor Wolters' view, Supreme Court justices have essentially appointed themselves
as a standing constitutional convention. On matters of race and education,
they have ignored the framers' intent and simply draped their own liberal
values in constitutional language.
The mischief began in 1954 with the Court's famous decision in Brown
v. Topeka Board of Education, which Professor Wolters calls one of
the most important events in recent American history. As is well known,
this ruling repudiated the 1896 decision of Plessy v. Ferguson,
which established that the races could be separated if they were treated
The Supreme Court ruled that separate schools were inherently
unequal, but this is not necessarily so. In fact, the NAACP had successfully
sued many districts and forced them to give black schools equal facilities.
Professor Wolters notes that in many segregated districts, black schools
were better appointed and black teachers were better paid
than their white counterparts. Whites were willing to pay higher school
taxes in order to maintain separate instruction.
The Court's assumption about the inequality of separateness was based
largely on the work of Kenneth Clark, a black sociologist. In a famous
experiment, Dr. Clark had shown black children a white doll and a black
doll, and asked them to pick the one they liked. Most picked the white
doll, and Dr. Clark argued that segregated schools made blacks feel inferior.
What Dr. Clark did not publicize was the fact that when black
children attending integrated schools in Massachusetts were given the same
test, they chose the white doll more often than did southern blacks attending
segregated schools! The Supreme Court was persuaded by Dr. Clark's data
and searched the Constitution for a way to order school integration. They
found it in the 14th amendment, which requires that states give all citizens
equal protection under the law.
However, to read this amendment as forbidding segregated schools was
an act of pure imagination. The same 1866 Congress that passed the amendment
established racially segregated schools in the District of Columbia. Twenty-three
of the 37 states then in the Union also had legally segregated schools
and did not desegregate them after ratifying the amendment. Neither Congress
nor the states saw any contradiction between equal protection and racial
separation. The Brown decision forced upon the 14th amendment concepts
alien to the men who had written and ratified it.
One of the great strengths of The Burden of Brown is that in
explaining the machinations of the Court, Professor Wolters describes in
fascinating detail what the ruling meant to real people in real schools.
By the time Brown was decided, it was a consolidation of suits filed
in five different districts. Professor Wolters recounts the depredations
of 30 years of integration in each of them. It is startling to realize
what has changed since the 1950s – and what has not.
One thing that has certainly changed is the extent to which whites are
willing to mobilize to defend their own racial interests. One of the districts
to which Brown immediately applied was Prince Edward County in Virginia,
a state that briefly mounted what was called "massive resistance" to integration.
The governor, Lindsay Almond, insisted states have the right to resist
unlawful federal tyranny. Under his guidance, the state legislature voted
to withhold funds from any school that integrated and to issue tuition
vouchers for students to use in private schools.
Whites mobilized to defend their
own interests, in what was known as "massive resistance."
In 1958, when federal judges ordered integration, the state cut off
funds and the schools closed. Many students found places in private schools,
but others were left in the lurch. The next year, the Virginia supreme
court ruled that the state constitution required the operation of public
schools, and pronounced the closures illegal. Governor Almond, realizing
that the only way to forestall integration was to defy the court and keep
all schools closed, gave up and agreed to integrate.
However, as Professor Wolters points out, massive resistance collapsed
only because whites broke ranks. Whites who lived in areas with few blacks
were the first to capitulate. They assumed that a trickle of blacks would
not ruin their schools, and they were not willing to hold out for the benefit
of districts in which whites would be swamped. Also, it is important to
remember that in the late 1950s, no one had heard of busing. Everyone thought
that desegregation simply meant the removal of racial barriers so that
blacks who wanted to cross them could. If the Virginians in their safe
suburbs had known that blacks would one day be bused into their midst from
the slums, they might have fought on against the federal government.
The whites of Prince Edward County, 65 miles southwest of Richmond,
did fight on. There were more black than white students in the county,
and whites had good reason to fear integration. Blacks were not only far
behind whites in academic subjects, they were 14 times more likely to have
venereal diseases and ten times more likely to have illegitimate children.
Whites feared that racial mixing could lead to miscegenation.
The county therefore closed its public schools and reduced property
taxes to offset the difference. With a tremendous outpouring of unity,
whites built private schools – first in temporary quarters and then in
sturdy, permanent buildings. Contractors donated materials, parents volunteered
time, and a private, all-white school system known as Prince Edward Academy
Whites offered to set up similar schools for blacks, where students
could spend their vouchers just as whites did. On the advice of the NAACP,
the blacks refused. It made much better copy for liberal newspapers if
blacks were left with no schools at all; idle children made whites look
like cruel bigots.
Prince Edward County was free to act as it did because counties were
not under a state constitutional obligation to provide public instruction.
As it happened, the public schools stood empty from 1959 to 1964 – longer
than anyone had anticipated. When President John Kennedy took office he
urged foundations and big corporations to donate money and materials for
public schools. The Free Schools, as they were called, opened with great
fanfare in 1963, with per pupil expenditures twice as high as those at
Finally, in 1964, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that since Prince Edward
County had closed its public schools solely to evade an integration order,
it must reopen them. Of course, there is nothing in the Constitution that
forbids doing something legal for the sole purpose of avoiding something
illegal – people do it all the time – but legalities scarcely mattered
since segregationists had to be taught a lesson. Even some liberals worried
that the Court was exercising tyrannical powers by ordering a county to
raise taxes and spend money against its will.
Prince Edward County obeyed the Court. Per pupil spending at the reopened
public schools was slightly more than at Prince Edward Academy, but blacks
still complained that it was less than at the Free Schools.
The county has continued with its two school systems. The voucher system
was, of course, struck down by the courts and whites had to reach into
their own pockets for tuition. Most were glad to. During the 1970s, while
the national average SAT scores dropped by nine percent, scores at the
Academy rose by five percent. As graffiti, vandalism, and violence spread
through integrated schools, they were practically unknown at Prince Edward
Academy. Unlike students elsewhere who locked up their belongings for fear
of theft, academy students left things wherever they liked. As the rest
of the country plunged into the blackboard jungle of the 1970s and 1980s,
the academy retained the civility and demeanor of the 1950s.
Across the Country
Professor Wolters' accounts of what happened in the other districts
directly affected by Brown are equally illuminating and well told.
In Washington (DC) there was little resistance to integration; whites simply
brief, initial collision whites were astonished at the language of blacks.
One school principal said that he "heard colored girls at the school use
language that was far worse than I have ever heard, even in the Marine
Corps." At Theodore Roosevelt High School, blacks shouted so many obscenities
at cheer leaders during the 1954-5 school year that the school switched
to boy cheer leaders. Blacks were notorious for pawing white girls in the
halls. Noting that black high school students were 23 times more likely
to have venereal disease than whites, some principals stopped having school
Some things never seem to change. The Washington Post used to
sponsor an annual football game between the champions of the public schools
and the parochial schools. By 1962, the public league was almost all black
and the parochial league was almost all white. That year, when the black
team lost, thousands of blacks poured onto the field, brandishing sticks
and shouting "Get the whites." In the two hour brawl that followed, all
but 30 of the 346 injured were white. Newspapers solemnly reported that
race had nothing to do with the melee.
As the DC school district turned black, standards plummeted. In 1976,
the valedictorian at one high school was in the 39th national percentile
in verbal ability and in the 16th percentile in math. Schools saw the inevitable
increase in shootings, muggings, knifings, rapes, etc.
Another Brown district was in South Carolina. Here, whites mounted
a full-blown court case against integration based on the view that blacks
were intellectually inferior to whites and that the gap in inherent ability
was wide enough to justify separate education. No matter how good their
case, the South Carolinians were in the awkward position of asking a district
court to overturn the Supreme Court's ruling in Brown. This the
lower court refused to do, and the state became the last to integrate its
schools. As happened all across the country, whites promptly left the public
schools which, when left to blacks, descended into chaos.
During this time, it was common for Southerners to argue that if Northerners
only had blacks in their midst they would understand the folly of school
integration. Senator Richard Russell of Georgia even advocated a plan to
pay black families $1,500 each if they would move to the North and show
Yankees just what a scourge they were. Robert Patterson, founder of the
anti-integration Citizens' Councils used to argue that a sure cure for
integration was a stiff dose of Negroes.
The Burden of Green
Of course, Northerners got their comeuppance when the Supreme Court
decided that schools must not merely be open to all races but that students
had to be forced to mingle whether they wanted to or not. This resulted
in the nightmare of busing, which wracked Boston and Louisville as much
as it did any city in the South.
As Professor Wolters explains, until 1968, when the Supreme Court once
again decided to amend the Constitution, virtually everyone thought that
the Brown decision required only the dismantling of legal segregation.
Black students who had been denied admission to white schools now had the
right to attend them. All that the NAACP asked in 1954 was that race be
disregarded when students were assigned to schools. No one dreamed that
race could be made the primary criterion for assigning students
to schools in order to mix the races.
That, however, was the result of Green v. New Kent County. After
the failure of "massive resistance" this Virginia county had duly ended
legal segregation. It allowed all students to attend the schools of their
choice and provided free transportation to make this possible. However,
no whites transferred to black schools and only a few blacks transferred
to white schools. Though the system was no longer legally segregated, most
children of both races still had classmates of the same race.
The Court held the then-fashionable view that unless the races were
thoroughly mixed they could not be properly educated. As Judge J. Skelly
Wright had written in a 1967 lower court decision, "Racially and socially
homogeneous schools damage the minds and spirits of all students who attend
them." He wrote that schools should "produce attitudes of tolerance and
mutual sharing," and had visions of "Negro and white children playing innocently
together in the schoolyard."
Thousands of blacks poured onto
the feild, brandishing sticks and shouting "Gett the whites."
By no stretch of the imagination can the Constitution be read to allow
the federal government to force black students to go to school with
whites if blacks are free to do so but choose not to. And yet, in
its wisdom and its bliss, the Supreme Court decreed that Americans could
not be left with free choice if they did not exercise it in a way that
brought the races together in promiscuous contact. The Court decided that
the children of New Kent County must once again be assigned to schools
on the basis of race, but this time in order to mix them rather than separate
Professor Wolters notes that on the day after the Court heard the oral
arguments in Green v. New Kent County, Martin Luther King was assassinated.
A wave of race riots swept the country as the Court deliberated. No doubt
the justices thought their ruling benefited the country, but Professor
Wolters quotes Daniel Webster: "It is hardly too strong to say that the
Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intentions."
The folly of busing had begun.
Three years after he ordered busing
the judge took his own children out of the public schools.
One of the school districts that bore the full brunt of busing was New
Castle County, Del., another Brown district that Professor Wolters
describes in detail. This case was yet another striking triumph of rule
by the judiciary.
New Castle County contains the city of Wilmington, whose schools had
become black, dangerous, and ineffective, as well as a number of surrounding
white suburbs that had good schools. There were 11 different school districts
in the area, none of which practiced segregation but all of which reflected
the essential racial homogeneity of their neighborhoods.
Professor Wolters explains that those who first brought the suit to
disperse Wilmington's black students throughout the county had two motives
they did not reveal to the courts. First, they wanted whites to share the
burden of dealing with troublesome blacks. Second, they thought that if
the suburbs lost the advantage of having all-white schools, there would
be less incentive for whites to shun Wilmington. Some might return to the
city and property prices might recover. The argument they made to the Court,
however, was the usual one about how racial separation was bad for education.
The Court's 1978 ruling was a breathtaking intrusion on local autonomy.
It dissolved the 11 separate districts and appointed a single school board
for the entire 250 square-mile area. It also ordered that students, both
black and white, be bused so that every school would reflect the 80:20
white-to-black ratio of the total student population.
In the suburbs, property taxes were raised 20 percent to pay for the
costs of busing and to establish a new, uniform curriculum. White teachers
attended dewy-eyed seminars on how to see themselves as "facilitators"
rather than lecturers, who would teach "cooperation" as much as the three
Rs and thereby raise the "self-esteem" of ghetto blacks. An "interfaith
taskforce" was set up to prepare teachers for "empathetic listening" and
"values clarification." Big companies like DuPont, whose executives already
sent their children to private schools, churned out propaganda in favor
of the new plan.
Of course, shipping underclass thugs to the suburbs where "facilitators"
greeted them with "empathetic listening" was no cure for delinquency. Along
with the blacks came graffiti, false fire alarms, broken windows, theft,
extortion, fights, and assaults on teachers. Gangs of thieves would clear
out suburban lockers by the score and bring the booty home to Wilmington
in school buses. Although blacks were only 20 percent of the student population,
they accounted for 66 percent of all racial assaults.
Whites responded as they always do. In just the first four years, 35
of the 103 public schools in the area closed as whites cleared out. The
number of private schools went from 44 to 78, and most had waiting lists
and were bursting at the seams. Before busing, the suburban schools had
a rich array of options for gifted students. After busing, these programs
shriveled to nearly nothing, with all the old effort devoted to remedial
Judge Murray Schwartz had personally overseen the execution of the Supreme
Court ruling. Three years after busing – to the hoots and jeers of angry
whites – he took his own children out of public schools and sent them to
private academies. Even Joseph Biden, the relentlessly liberal Democratic
senator from Delaware, had to admit that the New Castle County plan was
New Castle County is a symbol for virtually every school district in
which blacks were sent in large numbers to white schools. The schools deteriorated.
Whites fled. Whites who cared about education had to pay for two school
systems: a taxpayer-financed one for blacks and a privately financed one
Did this upheaval accomplish anything? If racial mixing was the goal,
it was a modest success in some areas. In others, the transition from free
choice of schools to forced busing left schools more segregated than ever.
Whites welcomed the motivated blacks who came to white schools for better
educations. Civility and learning could not survive court-ordered bus loads
of underclass truants.
What about the racial gap in test scores? As Professor Wolters explains,
the media trumpeted the cheerful prediction that integration would help
blacks and not harm whites. For a brief period this seemed true. Studies
in the early 1960s showed that blacks in majority-white schools had slightly
better test scores than blacks in all-black schools. Few people realized
that this was because of free choice. It was smart, ambitious blacks who
went to majority-white schools. They would have done better work than other
blacks no matter where they studied.
Thirty years after Brown, which ravaged the public schools, emptied
the cities of whites, and sowed chaos in the lives of millions of Americans,
the brute facts remained unchanged: average black test scores were at the
15th percentile for whites. Black first-graders were still one year behind
whites, and black high school students were still three years behind. Just
as before integration, household income could not explain these gaps. Whites
from the poorest families got higher test scores than blacks from the richest
The hopes of school integration foundered, as egalitarian hopes always
do, on the unyielding facts of biology. The Supreme Court trampled the
Constitution in the name of liberal pieties about the dominance of environment
over genetics. Willful ignorance has a price and, as always, it was whites
who paid it.
• • • BACK
TO TOP • • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
Civil Rights Backfire
The League of Latin American Citizens (LULAC) has sued the Houston office
of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission because it claims that not
enough Hispanic women have been properly promoted. Apparently Hispanic
men have gotten the promotions they deserve and Hispanic women have been
hired in sufficient numbers, but none of them yet makes more than $48,000
Harriet Ehrlich, a white woman who runs the office calls the charges
"outrageous." "You can lie with statistics, but these statistics speak
for themselves," she says; "The only imbalance is for whites or Anglos,
which is OK . . . ."[ Jo Ann Zulus, Houston EEOC is accused of job bias
in LULAC suit, Houston Chronicle, 2/18/93, p. 21A.]
An Orlando (FL) jury has been the first to return convictions under
a new federal law against armed carjacking. The three defendants, all black,
face mandatory life sentences, because they committed murder during the
crime. They killed three white men, but the obvious racial element has
received almost no attention.
The three whites were abducted at gun point along with a black woman
who was the girlfriend of one of the whites. They were driven to an isolated
field where the whites were made to strip naked and lie face down. Each
was then shot in the back of the head. At the trial, the black woman explained
that she had been spared because the carjackers did not want to "do a sister."
Jack Pate, Osceola County sheriff's commander says that race was not
a factor in the crime, which has received almost no publicity.[ Youth Found
Guilty in Fatal Carjacking, Houston Chronicle, 2/26/93. Phil Long, Police:
4 suspects shot men for fear of being identified, Miami Herald,
By now, nearly everyone in America has heard about the white student
at the University of Pennsylvania who was put through a "hate crimes" inquisition
because he called some noisy black women "water buffaloes." The five women
who brought the charges now say that because of derisive media coverage
they cannot get justice. They have dropped the charges.
A few loose ends remain. This is the same school at which blacks recently
stole the entire press run of the student newspaper because it ran an editorial critical
of affirmative action and of Martin Luther King. The president of Penn,
Sheldon Hackney, has taken no steps to punish the blacks.
Less well known is the fate of Donald Fitzgerald, head of security at
the university's Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Recently he saw
three black women rush out of the museum carrying three large plastic bags.
Since it is his job to guard the collection, he ordered them to stop. They
fled and he arrested them. As it happens, they were students making off
with copies of the offending issue of the student newspaper, which had
been dropped off at the museum for distribution.
The next day, the blacks charged Mr. Fitzgerald with assault and the
university immediately suspended him without so much as a hearing.
By late May, a month after the incident, he was still suspended.[ Hackney
Watch, WSJ, 5/24/93, Michael deCourcy Hinds, Blacks at Penn Drop a charge
The effects of last year's riots in Los Angeles will not wear off any
time soon. Although it has been more than a year since the violence and
arson, fewer than half of the buildings that were heavily damaged or destroyed
have been rebuilt. Banks and insurance companies are reluctant to take
risks on businesses that have already been burnt down once, and reconstruction
has been complicated by demands from militant blacks that they be hired
to do the work. Roving bands have gone from one work site to another, demanding
jobs and wreaking havoc if they do not get them. They have threatened many
white and Hispanic workers and assaulted others.
In May, Peter Ueberroth resigned as the head of "Rebuild L.A.," the
public-private consortium that is supposed to be overseeing reconstruction.
Mr. Ueberroth says that he has been the target of so much personal criticism
that the group simply bogged down. "Maybe it had some racial overtones
because I'm white," he said. He also pointed out that politicians have
started demanding that "Rebuild L.A." solve all the underlying social problems
of South-Central Los Angeles, and have been angry that they remain unsolved.
The next head of the group is likely to be black.
have found that their main problem – black criminality – also remains unsolved.
Thieves know that the Los Angeles police do not bother to respond to shoplifting
calls, so they brazenly take whatever they want (New York Post,
April 17, 1993).[ A besieged community arms itself, NY Post, 4/17/93,
p. 10.] Shopkeepers rebuke them at their peril. In a recent 2-1/2 month
period, five Koreans were shot and killed and another was beaten to death
in front of his store. One man bled to death on the floor of his grocery
while a black mob ransacked it. During the same period, another eleven
Koreans were shot and wounded.[ Angela Oh, For Koreans, Crisis Continues,
As Mr. Ueberroth probably knows, Los Angeles is getting worse, not better.
In a single weekend in May, 24 Angelenos were murdered in an orgy of homicide
that set a record for the year so far. Even a police spokesman was moved
to say, "This is crazy."
[ 24 killed in L.A.'s bloodiest weekend of '93, Chicago Tribune,
Menace II Society
A recently released black-produced movie called "Menace II Society"
may inspire viewers to kill yet more Koreans. In the opening scenes, a
Korean grocer mutters an insult to a young black who promptly shoots him
in the head. He then runs to the back of the store, shoots the grocer's
wife and steals the video tape from the surveillance camera. Later in the
film he boastfully plays – and replays – the tape for his friends, lingering
lovingly over the moment when he blows out the grocer's brains.
The New York Times (May 26, 1993) goes on to note the movie's
"endless litany of sullen profanities" and calls the frequent violence
"some of the bloodiest and most unsettling ever shown in a commercial film."
Not even The Times could stomach some of the movie's heavy-handed
politics. When white police pull the heroes off the street and beat them
up for absolutely no reason, the reviewer calls the scene "gratuitous."
Nevertheless, The Times calls the movie "a very flashy debut" for
the two black brothers, Allen and Albert Hughes, who directed the movie.[
Stephen Holden, "Teen-Agers Living Under the Gun," NYT, 5/26/93,
Blacks have complained for years about "negative role models" and "stereotyping"
in movies. Now that they are making movies of their own, it is edifying
to note the uplifting fare they are offering young viewers.
The Dying City
Detroit is another American city that is dying as its people change.
In the last 40 years the population dropped by half, as whites fled the
rising tide. Now there are whole city blocks without a single occupied
building. Others have only two or three.
Marie Farrell-Donaldson, has proposed an economy measure that would keep
the city from having to offer street cleaning, police protection, sewers,
electricity, and garbage collection to vacant blocks – bulldoze and decommission
them. The few remaining inhabitants would be relocated, and great chunks
of the city would simply cease to exist. They could be fenced off or revert
to "nature." In either case, the city would no longer be responsible for
services.[ Day of the Bulldozer, Economist, 5/8/93, p. 33.]
Miss Farrell-Donaldson's economy measure has not yet been approved,
but what more vivid image could one ask for of the march of barbarism?
Blacks have not merely squeezed the life out of a bustling city built by
whites; now they are considering flattening whole blocks of it.
How the Other Half Lives
Kayesean Blackledge was born in New York City four years ago to a 14
year old who has since had three more children. Since mother Blackledge
was judged incompetent by the court, Kayesean was turned over to an older
relative named Dana Blackledge-Poole. In 1981, "Miss" Blackledge-Poole
had a sex change operation, so when the court made her the legal guardian
of young Kayesean, she had previously been a man. She is known to some
people as Kayesean's "aunt," to others as his "uncle." Miss Blackledge-Poole
is now "married" to Stephan Poole, a New York sanitation department worker,
and was last heard of from the hospital where she was recovering after
her "husband" stabbed her several times with a knife.
All of this came to public attention only because someone recently beat
Kayesean, then strangled him, and dumped him down a garbage chute. It took
police several days to discover his "parents" because neither had reported
him missing. Mr. Poole appears to be the most likely murder suspect.[ Kayesean
and his 'mommies', New York Post, 5/25/93, p. 20.]
Is Secession the Answer?
Rio Grande Do Sul, the southernmost state of Brazil, is 85 percent white,
which makes it more European than the United States. Its residents are
increasingly angry about paying more and more taxes that disappear into
the poverty-stricken North. Since 1990, half a dozen separatist movements
have sprung up in the state and approximately one third of the population
supports secession in some form.
There have already been strong measures to seal off the indigent North.
About a dozen cities in the state have adopted immigration controls to
keep out Northerners. Last year, the town of Novo Hamburgo turned back
a convoy of trucks that were bringing jobless poor people to the South.
The separatists have, of course, been called Nazis and fascists, but
Irton Marx, a secessionist leader is confident that his movement will eventually
succeed. "There is no way the press or the government can hold us back,"
he says.[ James Brooke, White Flight in Brazil? Secessionist Caldron Boils,"
Make 'Em Pay
Benjamin Hooks, the former head of the NAACP, recently defended the
fact that the organization not only has 50,000 white members but that much
of its funding comes from large, white-owned corporations. "White people
caused this problem, and why should they not pay to get rid of it?" he
said.[ Words of the Week, Jet, 5/3/93.]
Make Them Pay, Too
Every year, Americans default on about $3 billion in federal student
loans. Ordinarily, if the students of a school have an average default
rate of more than 25 percent over a period of three years, the school is
no longer eligible for federal loans. The 107 "historically black colleges"
have routinely been exempted from that rule, but the exemption is scheduled
to end on July 1, 1994. Black colleges have very high default rates, and
many would be knocked out of the program. Black activists plan to put pressure
on President Bill Clinton to reinstate the exemption; what are the odds
that he will crack?
Rites of Passage
Hispanic girls in San Antonio have started forming gangs. A frequent
initiation ritual is for prospective members to submit to round-robin sex
with male gang members. The Houston Chronicle (April 27, 1993) has
discovered that five 14- and 15-year-old girls report that as part of their
gang initiation they had sex with a man they knew to be infected with AIDS.[
Scary gang sex story: true or false?, Houston Chronicle, 4/27/93.]
And They Were Not Black
Until 1990, when the leg of a horse went through the roof of a tomb,
no one had ever found the graves of workers who built the pyramids. Exhumation
of the bodies and study of inscriptions has shed light on the lives of
these unsung workers. Judging from the manner in which they are buried,
they were free men and not slaves. Tomb inscriptions indicate that they
ate bread, garlic, some meat, and could brew five different kinds of beer.
By now the Egyptians have heard about some of the goofy ideas promoted
in the United States to the effect that the ancient Egyptians were black.
Zahi Hawass, who is in charge of the site, is at pains to explain that
a study of the well-preserved bodies shows that they were the same race
as the Pharaohs and were certainly not black.[ Stephen Strauss, A profile
of pyramid builders: free Egyptians who liked beer, Houston Chronicle,
Paul Moreno is a Texas state legislator who is very concerned about
gun control legislation. However, some things in life are more important,
and he missed a crucial vote. As one of his Democratic colleagues explained,
he could not be on the floor because "He had to pick up the tamales for
the Cinco de Mayo celebration."[ Austin Notebook, Houston Chronicle,
Bred to Violence
Lawyers assigned to defend some of the indefensible things underclass
blacks commonly do have started to devise new strategies. One is to argue
that their clients suffer from "urban psychosis" brought on by life among
other underclass blacks.
The first attempt at the "urban psychosis" defense was tried last October
in the case of a black Milwaukee girl who shot another girl in order to
steal her leather trench coat. The defense argued that Felicia Morgan's
upbringing had been so violent that she was predisposed to mayhem and therefore
could not be held to ordinary legal standards.
Several times as a child, Miss Morgan, now 18, was beaten nearly to
death. Her parents frequently pulled guns on each other. Her mother actually
shot her father once and her father killed the family dog for target practice.
Many friends and relatives were shot and some killed, including a favorite
uncle. Also, Miss Morgan was raped when she was 12 years old.
The girl's lawyer, Robin Shellow, points out that two of the 12 jurors
were convinced by her argument. She claims that it also probably affected
the judge's decision to make Miss Morgan eligible for parole after 13 years
and four months in prison rather than 60 years.[ Junda Woo, Urban Trauma
Mitigates Guilt, Defenders Say, WSJ, 4/27/93.]
What Are Taxes For?
In the state of Illinois, welfare benefits rise by nearly $100 a month
when a mother has a second child. The state is considering putting an end
to this automatic raise, which encourages paupers to have more children.
The Chicago Tribune (April 15, 1993) asked a few welfare mothers
what they thought about this. Denise Love, mother of two, said it was wrong
not to increase payments. "Isn't that what taxes are for?" she asked; "Why
not help single parents pay for their children?" Miss Love has a sister,
also on welfare, who is pregnant with her 11th child.
Tabatha McGee, mother of two, conceded that the taxpayer might have
some interest in limiting the welfare burden but did not see much reason
for hope. "Some people like big families," she explained; "Some women are
natural breeders. They're allergic to birth control."[ Sharman Stein, Plan
to limit moms' welfare has its foes, Chicago Tribune, 4/15/93.]
It's a Boys' World
Blacks spend $270 billion a year on consumer goods. Though the average
black family spends about 35 percent less than the average white family,
there are some products on which black households spend considerably more
than whites – in real dollars, and not just in proportion to income.
The Wall Street Journal (Feb. 19, 1993) reports the following
without comment: black households spend three times as much as white households
on boys' pants and pajamas, twice as much on boys' underwear, socks, and
shoes, and 80 percent more on boys' suits and sports coats. In proportion
to total spending, the disparities are even greater. For example, blacks
spend five times as much as whites on boys' pants and pajamas.
Blacks have more children than whites, but not enough to account for
these differences. And curiously, blacks do not spend more money than whites
on girls' clothes.[ Carolyn Phillips, Data Gap, WSJ, 2/19/93, p.
R18.] Here lie fertile research opportunities for many an aspiring PhD.
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E T T E R S F R O M R E A D E
Sir – In her letter in the May issue, Betty Hammond says that property
crime rates in "Nuevo Los Angeles" [the part of the city now populated
mostly by Hispanics] are low "because there is so little to steal." My
suspicion is that if this is what official statistics suggest, it is only
because many illegal immigrants live there and are afraid to report crime
to the police. Murder is likely to be reported but property crime is not.
I used to live in "Neuvo Los Angeles," in a Hispanic neighborhood near
MacArthur Park. Batteries were regularly stolen out of my car until I padlocked
the hood - and I never reported these crimes to the police because I did
not expect they could or would do anything about them. There were other
acts of theft and vandalism against automobiles in the neighborhood, and
the rooming house I lived in was burgled at least once.
I worked at a 7-11 store in "Nuevo Los Angeles" and the Korean proprietor
assured me that we were in a high crime neighborhood. Shoplifting was common
and not normally reported to the police. The Korean told me that another
7-11 in the area on which he had the franchise was the target of armed
L.A. Rollins, Port Townsend, Wash.
Sir – In his story about black demands for "reparations" for slavery,
Mr. Boggs writes that some people see a precedent in the payments toJapanese-Americans
who were interned during the Second World War. As always in cases of "mistreatment"
of minorities, there are two sides to the story.
My father fought with the Third Marine Division, which saw some of the
bloodiest campaigns in the history of the corps. As he explains it, when
the attack on Pearl Harbor was over and our servicemen had finished taking
their buddies off the burning hulks in buckets, they had no illusion about
the ability of the Japanese to wage war with cool, unemotional savagery.
We knew that Japanese spies had been operating within the Japanese-American
community and that none had been reported to the authorities. We had no
way of knowing if Japanese-Americans were simply ignorant of their activities
or were protecting them. Japanese settlements were concentrated on the
West Coast, the very place Japan would have invaded, and their society
was private and little-known to outsiders. As my father puts it, "What
would you have done under the circumstances?"
To judge the past by the standards of the present is to set oneself
up as saint and soothsayer. We Europeans are always being asked to be sensitive
to the plight of others and no defense of our actions is tolerated.
Pat Mason, Grapevine, Tex.
Sir – Your story, "The Reparations Hoax" was excellent, but omitted
what is perhaps the most important refutation of this scam. Industrial
America was built primarily by socalled ethnic whites, that is, whites
of Italian, Irish, Slavic, and Alpine descent. The vast majority of them
arrived after the War Between the States and became the great blue-collar
industrial/technical class of America.
Because of this historical timing, these millions of hard-working whites
and their descendants (of which I am one) cannot possibly owe blacks anything.
On the contrary, the taxes extorted by our government to support blacks
and ever-increasing numbers of non-white immigrants should be paid back
to the white working class.
John Mauro, Highland Park, NJ.
Sir – I have no problem with reparations. Let's give them the $4 trillion
they want. Then send them the bill for the six or ten or whatever trillion
it has cost the nation to keep them housed, fed, and clothed, and in money,
cars, and drugs. The billions spent on their medical care and education
could be recouped. The billions spent to bus them back and forth across
innumerable cities in quest of "equal education" could be refunded The
list goes on.
Larry May, Cambridge, Mass.
Sir – Although I find myself in virtually total agreement with everything
written in AR, I find something left untouched: the reasons why
Americans allow standards to drop. Of course, there are groups who gain
political power by catering to blacks and others but why does the general
population allow this? Why hasn't the majority defended its own interests?
I am still puzzled by these questions and AR does not seem to be
Let me recount an experience I had in Japan in 1969. I wrote a letter
home, put a stamp on it, and went to a local post office. I did not bring
any money. The postman put it on the scale. The weight was so close to
the limit that we waited and waited for the scale to settle. It was barely
over the limit, probably by no more than the weight of the stamp itself.
The postman said I would have to add a stamp. I did not want to go home
to get money or another stamp, so I said, "That's close enough, isn't it?"
He shoved the letter back at me and said that the Japanese do not lower
People get the government they deserve.
James Connelly, Anchorage, Alaska
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