I Saw the Light (Part II)
personal accounts of what led AR readers to racial consciousness.
Want to Sob Like a Child for All We Have Lost
was born in Oakland, California, in 1944 and raised in a lower
middle-class area of the city. There was only one non-white family
in the neighborhood, and crime was almost unheard of. For example,
once a week I was required to accompany my aunt on an all-day
shopping excursion to downtown Oakland. Before leaving, my aunt
would open wide both the front and back doors to her home, in
order to let in fresh air. Those doors were open for six to eight
hours straight, and no one ever trespassed. The family car was
always parked overnight with its doors unlocked and its windows
rolled down. No one ever tampered.
Slowly, incrementally, the demographic
and political profile of the city changed, and by the late 60s
to early 70s, it was no longer the city I had loved. Oakland
had become an unhealthy, dangerous place. My racial consciousness
arose from the many experiences a white man must endure in the
It came, in part, from the owner
of the neighborhood grocery store (a Chinese immigrant) being
gunned down in front of his wife and three small children. And
from the owner of the local liquor store (a Hungarian immigrant),
shot to death while his wife pleaded for his life. And from John,
the elderly owner of the local hardware store, being dragged into
a rear room of his store, his lifeless form discovered several
hours later, his skull having been smashed to bits with a hammer
taken from his own inventory. And from my arriving home from work
one afternoon to find that everything I owned had been stolen
from my duplex, with the exception of the rifle I kept hidden
behind the water heater.
It arose in part from the endless
stream of nonsense spewing from the mouths of the oppressed:
Power to the people. Send a pig to heaven with a .357. Black is
beautiful. Try black and youll never go back. Keep it black
til I get back.
It arose also from the media making
heroes out of local radical groups and individuals (who were nothing
more than common street thugs): the SLA, the Soledad Brothers,
the Black Panthers, Huey Newton, Eldridge Cleaver, Angela Davisthe
list goes on and on.
It arose from the degenerates
of my own race in Berkeley, the Castro district, and Haight-Ashbury,
and also from having a large caliber revolver placed to my temple
while being told, Im gonna blow your white m*****
f****** brains out, Honky! My racial consciousness is a
product of all of these things and so many more, the total weight
of which I could no longer endure.
To my discredit I fled California
in 1987. Ive since lived in Las Vegas, Phoenix, San Antonio,
and Tucson. With each move Ive sought to restore the quality
of life I was so privileged to enjoy as a youth. I have failed
in my quest.
I want back my
city! My streets! My ocean! I want back my schools!
I want back my city! My streets!
My ocean! I want back my schools, my infrastructure, my arts,
and the companionship of like-minded citizens. I want the comradeship
of similar people working together to achieve similar goals. And
I once again want to stand atop the high ground just north of
the Golden Gate and gaze toward the city in wide-eyed wonderment
at the panorama my race created. And as I write this I want to
drop to my knees, round my shoulders, and sob like an abandoned
child for all we have lost.
Jim Fontes, Tucson, Ariz.
Believed My Ancestors Were Bad
would like to share my experiences of living in Los Angeles as
a white teenager. My father has always tried to instill a love
for my heritage and pride in the accomplishments of Europeans,
even though everywhere else, I was being told the opposite. I
didnt quite understand what my father wanted me to be proud
Until ninth grade, I believed
my European ancestors were bad, that they were racist, and hated
anyone unlike them. I believed this because it is what I was taught
in school. It was all over the media, and I couldnt escape
it. I did not think what I was hearing was wrong.
It wasnt until high school
that I began to understand. Every one of my classes had an agenda
to make white people feel bad about their heritage and ancestry.
Being a blonde-haired, blue-eyed, Caucasian female in LA, I have
encountered much racism. The students at my school were mostly
blacks and Hispanics, and I began to dread having to go to classes
and hear insults aimed at my people every day. I was always around
people who are not tolerant of fair-skinned people, but I was
supposed to have respect for them. I decided home schooling would
be better for me.
I enjoy reading your publication.
Both my father and I like to hear about other white men and women
waking up and opening their eyes to the truth. I am proud to be
white and I wont let anyone tell me differently. Thank you
for helping our race.
Lindsay Gordon, age 16
Feelings Were Something Immoral
am 43 years old, an educated, self-employed professional working
in a technical field in a large mid-western city. I first met
black people in elementary school when they were bused from the
black part of the city to our genteel neighborhood school. My
observations at the time, as a 4th, 5th, and 6th grader, were
that the few black children tended to be loud, unruly, and not
too smart. With the exception of one well-behaved black boy who
applied himself, the others caused my teachers a disproportionate
amount of the relatively little trouble they had in a 1960s middle-class
I wish you could see the class
photo of my 6th grade classthree rows of beaming white faces,
two smiling black girls who were amiable but loud and dull-witted,
and one large-for-his age, scowling black boy standing in the
back row, half-turned away from the camera, with a classic case
of attitude. He was also the class bully, and terrorized
some of my friends and me. At this point I had already begun to
form a poor impression of blacks but, as a child, I didnt
think deeply about this.
Can be both dangerous
As I went through high school,
more and more blacks were bused to our school, and the pattern
of classroom disruption continued. There were the outbursts of
hallway fighting between blacks or between blacks and the tough
whites from the poorer neighborhoods. I had two black friends,
girls who were gregarious and reasonably studious. One became
pregnant by a 15-year-old black boy when she was a senior. By
the end of high school, my impression of blacks as dull-witted,
irresponsible, loud and disruptive was pretty well set, but I
still did not think in terms of racial consciousness. I didnt
feel comfortable around blacks, and I didnt respect any
of the blacks I knew (except for one studious girl and the studious
boy from elementary school), but I felt that being outspoken about
my racist feelings was something immoral that had
to be hidden, something I needed to grow out of.
As the years passed and I met
more black people in college, graduate school, and in the workplace,
my impressions did not change. There was the psychotic black woman
in the dormitory where I worked as a residential advisor, who
harassed the white women on her floor; the clique of black students
who insisted on having a blacks only social organization
funded with student government money; my advisor in graduate school,
a black woman who taught in a graduate journalism program but
was a poor speller and who could not finish paperwork by the necessary
deadlines. In my field of computers, the few blacks I have met
have been at best borderline competent.
By my mid-30s, I was firmly convinced
that blacks are a problem for white society but I didnt
see a moral justification for doing anything about it. I had never
been exposed to anything like AR or a well-reasoned racialist
argument. I felt that my secret resentments of and poor opinion
of blacks were personal weaknesses for which I would be answerable
in the next life.
What changed my mind were two
I had arrived at a political view
that was mostly libertarian: Give us back our freedom of association
and we can voluntarily separate from troublesome blacks. Stop
taking away our money to support indolent, sexually irresponsible
blacks, and we will have fewer problems. But then I read that
whites will eventually become a minority in this country. Combine
that with the fact that no majority-black or -Hispanic nation
has ever maintained a society of the kind whites create, and it
becomes a logical certainty that whites must politically and geographically
separate themselves from blacks and Hispanics if we are to survive
as a people.
The other powerful argument that
convinced me a racialist approach was necessary was evidence like
that presented in The Bell Curve, that blacks are
less intelligent than whites and more emotional and disruptive
and crime-prone for genetic reasons. I used to think blacks
problems could be fixed with education or social programs, but
I became convinced social programs cant work.
I began to search for web sites
that had articles on these matters, and this is when I came across
AR. I have concluded, based on the dispassionate, reasoned arguments
I have found in AR and a few other places, that much as I would
like to be an idealist, the reality is that whites simply must
separate themselves from blacks in some manner that protects us
as a people. I feel a sadness for the decent black people who
through no fault of their own are part of a race that as a whole
is unable to manage its affairs. I hope there is a way to order
the world so that blacks can be free and prosperous and that people
can have goodwill towards one another.
The only approach to race that
has a chance of working is one that avoids histrionics and does
not demonize others. One reason so many whites feel uncomfortable
with racialist ideas is their historical association with violence
and white supremacy. The white man who blew up the black girls
in that Birmingham church did a great deal of harm to the white
race. Violence or shrillness will never convince white people
who may well have doubts about blacks but think it is immoral
to be racist. Talking about Jews as the
source of the problem smacks of Nazismanother violent movement
that did us great harm.
I have made racial arguments to
a few of my closest friends, and I know they can have an impact.
Still, it takes time for people to give themselves permission
to think in a racially conscious way. Even I am still not 100
percent comfortable doing so. But the arguments, the facts, the
studiesthese, combined with personal experiences will eventually
change enough minds to make a difference.
Busing Began in Wichita
was born in Wichita, Kansas, in
1958, and have always known blacks were different from whites:
louder and more animated. Still, I did not think much about this
until I went to junior high school in 1970. That was the year
forced busing began in Wichita. Blacks beat whites for no reason,
and shook them down for pocket change. It was shocking to us.
The few blacks who had been with us in earlier grades were not
that way for the first month or two of school, but soon started
acting like their 8th and 9th grade brethren.
Bused in for your enrichment.
My increasing dislike for blacks
continued through high school. Blacks generally kept their distance
in high school, but woe to the white who walked the halls by himself
as the end of the school year approached. Blacks did not like
taking final examinations. As exam days approached, they would
look for a solitary white and beat him up. They would be kicked
out of school and not take final exams, but would be passed on
to the next grade.
I attended undergraduate school
at Kansas State University. In junior high and high school the
percentage of blacks has been 15 to 20 percent, but now it was
two to four percent. This meant no more black-on-white violence,
and I loved it. So did other whites from high schools with many
blacks. Still, there were a few negative experiences. Once, at
a lecture, a black man walked across most of a row purposely bumping
into whites and not excusing himself. When he came to a black
student he excused himself.
Needed to Find a New Career
saw the light when I chose public education as a career relatively
late in life. I had been a New Thought minister for 11 years,
and converted to another faith. That meant I needed to find a
new career, so I chose teaching.
One of the first things I learned
was that in our jurisdiction you cannot give a black child an
IQ test. I couldnt believe my ears. Once I overheard a black
mother tell a friend, Well, its time to have another
baby. The welfares about to run out. When I went to
graduate school to get a teaching credential, I was immediately
cast into the world of multiculturalism and its doublespeak. I
was told that the great disparity in test scores between white
and black and Hispanic kids was caused by institutional racism.
That did it. At age 52, I was not exactly wet behind the ears.
I was raised by a Southern mother
in Southern California, and she always said there was a difference
in capability between whites and blacks. I had always looked for
evidence that she was wrong, but now I began to see the evidence
that she was right.
Country is Marching Down the Same Path
is relatively easy for me to pinpoint when my views began to change.
The year was 1994, and I learned of a controversial new book called
The Bell Curve, which was causing a stir even in Canada,
where I lived. I had to read the book in order to satisfy
my curiosity, even though it required a special order because
the bookstores in Halifax, Nova Scotia, were not stocking it.
In 1994 I was 40 years old, so
my opinions on practically everything were well established. I
had grown up in a town, a province, and a country that were overwhelmingly
white. Race had always seemed irrelevant, except as a way periodically
to look down on the Americans for their race problems.
I was perplexed by The Bell
Curve. Could it be true? I had always known that intelligence
played a role in life outcomes, but did the races really differ
in average IQ? The evidence presented by the authors seemed undeniable.
I could not let it rest, and thus my investigations began. I must
say they were not easy. There is a tremendous amount of garbage
about race put out by a never-ending supply of crackpots and morons.
Thank God I accidentally stumbled upon AR.
Michael Levin, Philippe Rushton,
Arthur Jensen, Samuel Francis and Jared Taylor became my tutors.
Their scholarly articles and books became the core of my curriculum.
To be sure, race does matter, and as Ive come to learn,
it matters a great deal. My country is marching down the same
path as the United States. Non-white immigration is at record
levels, and whites are already a minority in two of our three
major cities: Vancouver and Toronto. With my awareness comes a
profound sadness and sense of foreboding. My nation is changing
in countless ways and no one seems to care. I cant help
but envision a grim future for my grandchildren.
John McMillan, Nova Scotia, Canada
Cant Say I am Completely Convinced
do not agree with everything in AR, but your magazine has helped
me streamline my thoughts. For the record, I am an immigrant,
so I do not belong to the category of people you favor, but I
can understand that.
I was born and raised in the most
politically correct country in the world, where multiculturalism
and diversity (these terms together were called internationalism)
were an integral part of a higher religion called
Communism. Dissent was a crime and punished accordingly. That
country was called The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and
I think we can learn valuable lessons from its breakdown. Most
Americans think Communism and the poor economy were the main reasons
for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Those factors played a destructive
role, but many do not realize that the policy of internationalism
had a major influence on the disintegration of a once powerful
and feared country.
When the Bolsheviks came to power,
Lenin stated that every nation has the right to self determination.
What he meant was not independence, but that all parts of the
happy Soviet family could preserve their culture, traditions and
language as long as they embraced Communism. You will find striking
similarities between Lenins teachings and the views of todays
proponents of diversity. For about 70 years the impression was
that this policy worked, and at the end of the 1960s, I believe,
it was declared that a new entity, the Soviet People, had come
into being and that the national question had been solved.
In the mid-1980s after I graduated
from university I had to travel a lot on business. I talked privately
to many people in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine and other
former Soviet republics and found that they had an unfavorable
opinion of Russians. Some hated Russians outright. At the same
time many Russians referred to other nationalities as low-lifes.
However, nationalism was a severely punishable crime.
All people are brothers and brothers dont hate each other.
When Communism fell, one of the
first things that happened was that every Soviet Republic declared
independence from Russia and formed its own national state.
The father of political
countless progeny in America.
It is important to note that the
majority of newly independent countries realized they would not
be better off economically. The Soviet economy had been very
tightly integrated to ensure that none of the republics could
gain economic independence. In many cases the economies of those
countries deteriorated badly, but people still felt they could
manage themselves better as nations. After independence, they
started to persuade Russians either to leave their countries or
assimilate, learn their language, and accept their culture. There
was no more talk of internationalism.
Significantly, there were not
as many racial, ethnic or even cultural differences among the
nations of what was known as the USSR as there are between whites
and blacks in America. Russians, Ukrainians, and Belorussians
are all Slavs, they have similar languages and the same religion.
But even for these groups, there were enough differences to warrant
When I lived in Russia, I was
an avid listener to the Voice of America, and was under the impression
that the situation in the United States was completely different.
The many ethnic groups and races all considered themselves American,
spoke one language and shared the same culture, traditions and
history. When I brought my family to the USA, I considered myself
lucky to be here, and I did not think too much about what was
happening in this country. Only later I started to notice things
that did not seem to be quite right.
It was not any major event that
altered my views, but small things. When we came to the US my
son was four and didnt speak English. When he went to kindergarten
I immediately was offered all sorts of special programs for him.
I insisted that he be treated the same as any other kid. The school
administration told me we needed to preserve his language, culture
and traditions. After a couple of meetings with teachers they
finally backed off and in six months my son spoke English as well
as any other kid in his class. I had to go through the same thing
when my younger son enrolled in school.
When we bought a house it was
in a nice, well-kept neighborhood, but after four years things
slowly started to change. My next-door neighbors sold their house
to Sikh immigrants from India. I found I couldnt open windows
or enjoy our rose garden anymore because of the incredibly strong
smell of curry in the air. To make things worse, they were cooking
in the garage with all the doors open. After some hesitation,
I politely explained that although I respect their right to cook
and eat whatever they want, they in return should respect my right
not to smell what they are cooking. They called me racist, fascist
and Nazi. I was shocked.
I talked to other neighbors about
this. Some agreed with me, but said nothing can be done; others
said it did not bother them; others called me a Nazi racist again.
As the neighborhood became more and more colorful, more and more
problems arose. I started to think about this disharmony. I could
not find any satisfying answers in the mainstream media, because
according to them it was mean intolerant bigotwho
was the problem! I discovered your publication and subscribed
to it. I also bought some politically incorrect books and started
to study the problem. I cant say I am completely convinced
yet by your point of view, but I guess I am still at the beginning
of my path to understanding the racial problem. I have learned
one thing: Diversifying society brings nothing but harm.
Americans should take a closer
look at what happened in the USSR, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia.
Oops! I forgot there are no such countries any more. My sincere
hope is that nothing like that will ever happen here.
Sergei, Sacramento, Calif.
Crawled Freely About
probably the only AR subscriber who graduated from a historically
black college (HBC), but I really cant say that made me
see the light. I was treated very fairly, and overall
my time there was positive. Of course, I didnt realize then
how academically sub par the school was, and I certainly wouldnt
choose an HBC if I decided to continue my education.
After leaving college I went into
law enforcement, and it was there that reality hit me like a club
over the head. I realized that all those doubts about blacks I
had in the back of my mind were there for a good reason. Despite
my college experiences with black people, I had never gone into
their neighborhoods and homes. I had never been in homes where
roaches crawled freely about, eating food that had obviously been
lying on the floor for days. I could never have imagined going
into the home of a nearly blind 90-year-old black man who called
police because his granddaughter had come over and stolen his
Social Security money. I could never have imagined responding
to an armed robbery call and discovering the white female convenience
store clerk who had confronted the black juvenile female shoplifter
in her store, and had gotten the entire side of her mouth cut
open with a box cutterher teeth were clearly visible. And
it is hard to describe the anger I felt when I watched a young
white mother cry because the black man who had just burgled her
home had stolen her video camera and all the precious, irreplaceable
tapes of her daughter.
But what I really could never
have conceived of before becoming a police officer was the complete
lack of guilt and remorse for the terrible acts blacks seem especially
capable of committing. I can honestly say I have met some characters
whom I consider to be beasts without souls.
When that July 1995 issue of AR
arrived in my mailboxunsolicitedit was like discovering
hidden treasure. Here at last were articulate people putting into
words what I had known for years to be true, but was constantly
told by the establishment media was not true. I still think the
cover story, The Morality of Survival by Michael Masters,
was one of the best ever. And through reading AR I discovered
authors like Richard McCulloch, whose books make the moral case
for racial consciousness as well as anyone. So sixteen years of
police work, many books by racialist authors, and of course, AR,
have me seeing the light quite clearly.
to be Gay and Proud to be White
the Jewish reader who wrote of his racial awakening in Part I,
I am a member of a minority group that is assumed to belong
to the left. As a lesbian, I am supposed to be glad to be a band
in Jesse Jacksons rainbow. And for most of my life, I believed
the lefts rhetoric about identity politics, voted Democrat,
and supported the liberal agenda.
Growing up in Los Angeles, I attributed
the racial conflicts I experienced to black oppressionwhen
blacks called me blondie and pushed me around, they
were venting legitimate frustration, given their history as victims
of the system. When Watts burned, I watched the smoke rise over
East LA from the front lawn of my parents working-class
home. And, again I rationalized: Years of police brutality had
caused the riots, not the blacks themselves. When affirmative
action was put in place and blacks were given preference over
more qualified whites, I acquiesced. We owed them that much. Even
as late as the 1980s I was still buying it. Like most gays and
most blacks, I voted for Bill Clinton.
But slowly, my attitude began
to change. Although there were many, I can think of three specific
events that finally pushed me out of the rainbow. The first was
President Clintons speech about the demographic future of
America in which he rejoiced at the impending demise of the white
majority. Although I rejected my own reaction at the time as racist,
the words that came to my mind were traitor to his race.
I ignored my gut reaction and filed it away.
The second was a job I nearly
lost out on because I was white. The man who hired me told me
in confidence that although he wanted me for the position, he
had been instructed to hire a person of color. To
his credit, he disobeyed his supervisor, ignored this directive,
and hired the most qualified candidate. A white friend wasnt
so lucky. During a job interview she was told, without apology,
that only blacks would be hired.
And thirdan outcome that
made so many of us question our assumptions of racewas the
O.J. Simpson verdict.
As a lesbian, I have never experienced
discrimination on the job, and I can count on one hand the number
of times I have been verbally harassed because I am gay. As a
white person it has been an entirely different story. I have white
lesbian friends who have been raped by black men; white gay male
friends who have been beaten up by Hispanic gangs (in one case
my friend died); and numerous straight white friends whose quality
of life has been reduced by blacks and other people of color.
I am still uneasy with many aspects
of the Euro-American movement as I try to reconcile being a proud
gay person with being a proud white person. But when push comes
to shove, my guess is that race trumps sexual identity, and that
Im not the only gay on your subscription list.
Name and city withheld
Whites Let Out a Collective Gasp
grew up in largely white suburbs in the Midwest and South. While
there were always a handful of blacks and other non-whites in
the public grade schools I attended, they were for the most part
no different from my fellow whites. In behavior, dress, speech
and socioeconomic background, we were all pretty much the same;
it was in the early to mid 1970s, and I dont believe any
of us children were really conscious of race.
That changed dramatically in high
school. I went to a school in suburban Atlanta that was virtually
all whitetypical suburban children from typically suburban
families. At first, there were few blacks, and again, other than
their skin color, they were pretty much like the rest of us. Then
DeKalb County started something called the Majority to Minority
(M to M) transfer program, a voluntary desegregation plan whereby
any student could switch schools if it meant leaving one where
his race was the majority and going to one where it was a minority.
The program was open to whites as well as blacksI knew one
white student who transferred to a black school to play on a better
basketball teambut M to M basically meant blacks transferring
to white schools.
Good training for assistant
These were not the blacks we white
suburban kids were used to. They came largely from the Atlanta
part of DeKalb, or from the black southern portion of the county,
and came by the busload. They most definitely did not dress, talk
or behave like us, or the blacks we knew and with whom we were
The difference was driven home
by an incident one day in the cafeteria when two M to M black
girls started arguing. They were soon screaming at each other,
using the most vile language imaginable, and then they started
fighting. At school I had never seen anything more than a scuffle,
but this was an intensely violent street fight. The
girls15 or 16 years oldwere punching, kicking, pulling
each others hair, and clawing each other as if they
meant nothing short of murder. None of us had ever seen anything
like it. The white children sat in stunned silence, our mouths
practically hanging open. The idea of breaking up the fight never
occurred to us, although if the girls had been white, someone
would surely have stepped in.
One of our assistant principalsa
very large black man who was a former college linebackerran
out of his office and got between the girls. This did not end
the fight. As he tried to separate them, they both attacked him
with the same animal ferocity. One of the girls picked up a cafeteria
chair and swung it at his head. He ducked, but a leg caught him
on the forehead, opening up a nasty gash. The whites let out a
collective gasp. None of us could have imagined striking a school
official, much less hitting him with a chair. In her rage, this
black girl had lost all fear and, it seemed to us, something of
her humanity as well. The assistant principal wrestled the chair
from her and managed to get his arms around her while other administrators
dealt with the second girl. They hauled the girls off and, as
I recall, we never saw them again.
Although the fight lasted just
a few minutes, it had a profound effect on many of us. I believe
most of us learned our first lesson in racial consciousness that
day. We no longer saw blacks as just like us, only darker. Theyparticularly
the M to M blackswere different: profoundly alien and potentially
The M to M program itself seemed
to awaken a racial consciousness in our parents. As the school
got more M to M transfers, whites began to leave. White families
with children in public schools began moving to other, more distant
whiter counties. Blacks bought their homes. As more blacks moved
into the area, the schools became blacker, prompting still more
whites to leave. When I left that part of DeKalb County in the
early 1980s, it appeared to be 90 percent white. Within a decade,
it was perhaps 40 percent white. I would imagine the figure today
is closer to 10 percent.
Stephen Webster, AR Assistant
• BACK TO TOP • •
Insights Now Forgotten
Tarkington (18691946) was an Indiana novelist who won
Pulitzer prizes for The Magnificent Ambersons (1918)
and Alice Adams (1921), but is best known for three
books about a middle-class boy named Penrod. The first of
the series, titled simply Penrod (1913), contains an
incident in which the boys eyes are opened in much the
way those of the previous contributors were opened years
ago in a high school cafeteria. Tarkington was a liberal for
his time, but wrote before delusions about race had become
quite so well established.
Penrod, age 11, has struck
up an acquaintance with Rupe Collins, a tough guy and bully
from the other side of the tracks. Penrod is fascinated by
Rupes swaggering ways and starts imitating them. Rupe
likes to put his face right up to someone elses and
threaten violence, and Penrod has tried this on his friend
Sam Williams, and on two Negro playmates, the brothers Herman
and Verman, who live in a nearby alley. They take it cheerfully,
but when the bully himself gives Herman the look and threatens
violence, the results are different:
You ole black nigger,
Rupe said venomously to Herman, Im agoin
But he had allowed his nose
to remain too long near Hermans. Penrods familiar
nose had been as close with only a ticklish spinal effect
upon the not very remote descendant of Congo man-eaters. The
result produced by the glare of Rupes unfamiliar eyes,
and by the dreadfully suggestive proximity of Rupes
unfamiliar nose, was altogether different. Hermans and
Vermans Bangala great-grand-fathers never considered
people of their own jungle neighbourhood proper material for
a meal; but they looked upon strangersespecially truculent
strangersas distinctly edible.
Penrod and Sam heard Rupe
suddenly squawk and bellow . . . .
Then they separatedand
battle was on!
How neat and pure is the task
of the chronicler who has the tale to tell of a good
rousing fight between boys or men who fight in the good
old English way, according to a model set for fights
in books long before Tom Brown went to Rugby. There are seconds
and rounds and rules of fair-play, and always there is great
good feeling in the end . . . .
But, when Herman and Verman
set to, the record must be no more than a few fragments left
by the expurgator. It has been perhaps sufficiently suggested
that the altercation in the stable opened with mayhem in respect
to the aggressors nose. Expressing vocally his indignation
and the extremity of his pained surprise, Mr. Collins stepped
backward, holding his left hand over his nose, and striking
at Herman with his right. Then Verman hit him with the rake.
Verman struck from behind.
He struck as hard as he could. And he struck with the tines
down. For, in his simple, direct, African way he wished to
kill his enemy, and he wished to kill him as soon as possible.
That was his single, earnest purpose.
On this account, Rupe Collins
was peculiarly unfortunate. He was plucky and he enjoyed conflict;
but neither his ambitions nor his anticipations had ever included
murder. He had not learned that an habitually aggressive person
runs the danger of colliding with beings in one of those lower
stages of evolution wherein theories about hitting below
the belt have not yet made their appearance.
The rake glanced from the
back of Rupes head to his shoulder; but it felled him.
Both darkies jumped full upon him instantly, and the three
rolled and twisted upon the stable floor, unloosing upon the
air sincere maledictions closely connected with complaints
of cruel and unusual treatment; while certain expressions
of feeling presently emanating from Herman and Verman indicated
that Rupe Collins, in this extremity, was proving himself
not too slavishly addicted to fighting by the rules.
From the panting, pounding,
yelling heap issued words and phrases hitherto quite unknown
to Penrod and Sam . . . . Appalled, the two spectators retreated
to the doorway nearest the yard, where they stood dumbly watching
The struggle increased in
primitive simplicity: time and again the howling Rupe got
to his knees only to go down again as the earnest brothers,
in their own way, assisted him to a more reclining position.
Primal forces operated here, and the two blanched, slightly
higher products of evolution, Sam and Penrod, no more thought
of interfering than they would have thought of interfering
with an earthquake.
At last, out of the ruck rose
Verman, disfigured and maniacal. With a wild eye he looked
about him for his trusty rake; but Penrod, in horror, had
long since thrown the rake out into the yard. Naturally, it
had not seemed necessary to remove the lawn-mower.
The frantic eye of Verman
fell upon he lawn-mower, and instantly he leaped to its handle.
Shrilling a wordless war-cry, he charged, propelling the whirling,
deafening knives straight upon the prone legs of Rupe Collins.
The lawn-mower was sincerely intended to pass longitudinally
over the body of Mr. Collins from heel to head; and it was
the time for a death-song. Black Valkyrie hovered in the shrieking
Cut his gizzud out!
shrieked Herman, urging on the whirling knives.
They touched and lacerated
the shin of Rupe as, with the supreme agony of effort a creature
in mortal peril puts forth before succumbing, he tore himself
free of Herman and got upon his feet.
Herman was up as quickly.
He leaped to the wall and seized the garden-scythe that hung
Im go to
cut you gizzud out, he announced definitely, an
Rupe Collins had never run
from anybody (except his father) in his life; he was not a
coward; but the present situation was very, very unusual.
He was already in a badly dismantled condition, and yet Herman
and Verman seemed discontented with their work: Verman was
swinging the grass-cutter about for a new charge, apparently
still wishing to mow him, and Herman had made a quite plausible
statement about what he intended to do with the scythe. .
Rupe paused but for an extremely
condensed survey of the horrible advance of the brothers,
and then, uttering a blood-curdled scream of fear, ran out
of the stable and up the alley at a speed he had never before
attained . . . . And a cross-shoulder glance at the
corner, revealing Verman and Herman in pursuit, the latter
waving his scythe overhead, Mr. Collins slackened not his
gait . . . .
From the alley door, Penrod
and Sam watched the flight, and were without words. When the
pursuit rounded the corner, the two looked wanly at each other;
but neither spoke until the return of the brothers back from
Herman and Verman came back,
laughing and chuckling.
Herman to Verman, as they came. See at ole boy
shouted in ecstasy.
Nev did se boy
run so fas! Herman continued, tossing the scythe
into the wheelbarrow. I bet he home in bed by viss time!
. . . .
Penrod looked dazedly from
Herman to Verman and back again. So did Sam Williams.
Herman, said Penrod,
in a weak voice, you wouldnt honest of
cut his gizzard out, would you?
• • • BACK TO TOP • •
of the South
does it take for a nation to endure?
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
Press, 2001, 705 pp. (soft cover) $22.50.
the title of this book is Can the South Survive? it
could have had the subtitle Can America Survive?
or Can Whites Survive? This is to say that although
it is a book about the South, written by a proud and loyal
Southerner, the questions it asks go far beyond sectional
interests. Michael Grissoms main concern is whether
there is a realistic hope for a distinctly Southern nation,
but he understands that the Souths decline into irreligious,
miscegenist vulgarity is part of a sickness that afflicts
whites everywhere. The great strength of this book is that
although it ranges widely over history and culture, it never
loses sight of the central question of race. Michael Grissom
is that rare and refreshing Southerner who never apologizes.
The Old South
Mr. Grissom begins with
an explanation of what makes the South southern. It is good
as far as it goes, but deserves more than 34 of the books
705 pages. Mr. Grissom has covered this ground more thoroughly
elsewhere, particularly in his 1988 book, Southern by
the Grace of God, but readers less familiar with the
South will want a better-rounded picture of what the author
so passionately defends.
Mr. Grissom starts with
four distinctively Southern traditions: a feudal theory
of society, a code of chivalry, a firm concept of the gentleman,
and a pervasive religiousness. Southerners thought seriously
about what God, honor, and breeding required of them. Men
avenged insults on the field of honor and, as Mr. Grissom
writes, falsehood, like an act of cowardice, was supposed
to lose one his standing in society. He adds that
every woman was a lady; ladies were to be protected;
their virtue assured; their honor unquestioned.
The total war Sherman and
Sheridan waged against the South was an incomprehensible
outrage against this deep sense of propriety. Mr. Grissom
quotes Confederate Secretary of War Judah P. Benjamin:
If they had behaved
differently; if they had come against us observing strict
discipline protecting women and children, respecting private
property and proclaiming as their only object the putting
down of armed resistance to the Federal Government, we should
have found it perhaps more difficult to prevail against
them. But they could not help showing their cruelty and
rapacity, they could not dissemble their true nature, which
is the real cause of this war. If they had been capable
of acting otherwise, they would not have been Yankees, and
we should never have quarreled with them.
Once their country was invaded,
Southerners defended their way of life with a single-mindedness
that commanded admiration. Colonel Arthur Freemantle of
the British army, who marched for a time as an observer
with the Southern armies, concluded his diary with this
The more I think of
all that I have seen in the Confederate States of the devotion
of the whole population, the more I feel inclined to say
with General [Leonidas] PolkHow can you subjugate
such a people as this? and even supposing that their
extermination were a feasible plan, as some Northerners
have suggested, I never can believe that in the nineteenth
century the civilized world will be condemned to witness
the destruction of such a gallant race.
Of course, the gallant
race was defeated, and if it was not entirely destroyed,
its confidence was badly shaken. Mr. Grissom explains:
The bitter taste
of defeat, the ensuing horror of Reconstruction, and the
collapse of his [the Southerners] stable social orderreinforced
by the pervasive Yankee textbooks from which his children
formed their ideasconvinced him that he had been wrong,
or at best had taken the wrong road and was, therefore,
obligated to try things the Yankee way, to see it the Yankee
Polk: How do
you subjugate a people?
Already by the end of the
19th century, Henry W. Grady of Atlanta had popularized
the phrase New South, by which he meant commerce
and industrialization on the Northern model. The South was
to make money-making lifes chief end; it was to outyankee
the Yankee as one Southern editor put it.
Still, the South avoided
some of the restlessness of the North. Mr. Girssom quotes
John Crowe Ransom, writing in 1930 about Southern communities:
Their citizens are comparatively satisfied with the
life they have inherited, and are careful to look backward
quite as much as they look forward.
Of course, what increasingly
made this satisfied life intolerable to the rest of the
country was the subordinate position of blacks. Blacks had
been in the South in large numbers since the 18th and even
the 17th centuries, and whites had established hierarchical
relations that persisted long after slavery. Even in 1960,
there were still 140 counties in the Old Confederacy in
which blacks outnumbered whites, and equality was unthinkable.
William Alexander Percys 1941 novel, Lanterns on
the Levee, reflects one thoughtful Southerners
observations about blacks:
lying, violenceI sometimes suspect the Negro doesnt
regard these as crimes or sins, or even as regrettable circumstances.
He commits them casually, with no apparent feeling of guilt.
White men similarly delinquent become soiled or embittered
or brutalized. Negroes are as charming after as before a
crime. Committing criminal acts, they seem never to be criminals.
The gentle devoted creature who is your babys nurse
can carve her boy-friend from ear to ear at midnight and
by seven a.m. will be changing the babys diaper while
she sings Hear the Lambs a-calling. He
goes on to ask: Is the inner life of the Negro utterly
different from ours? Has he never accepted our standard
Still, explicit commentary
on racial differences was rare. Mr. Grissom quotes the Yankee-born
The South, after
generations of experience, had developed customs and a way
of life with the Negro that took his limitations into consideration
with a minimum of friction and a maximum of kindness. It
was entirely against these customs, these adaptations, openly
to analyze and publicize the reasons for them.
However, when outsiders
began to interfere with race relations, delicacy became
Sherman: He found
The truth is that
responsible Southerners have deliberately weakened their
own defense because of their unwillingness to raise the
underlying problem. They talk of states rights when
they should be talking anthropology, and they do so out
of instinctive human kindness. There is a point at which
kindness imposed upon ceases to be a virtue.
In 1951, the NAACP, which
had until then considered the South impregnable, held its
national convention in Atlanta. This marked a shift in emphasis
and the beginning of a campaign against which the South
was poorly prepared. The North proceeded to bully the South
with a zeal born of ignorance, but Southerners never mounted
a coherent defense.
The South, writes
Mr. Grissom, was teeming with traveling troublemakers
who, together with the federal government, were behind the
tumultuous events of the period. Mr. Grissom ably tells
the stories of the integration of Little Rock Central High
School in 1957, the freedom riders of 1961,
the near-war at Ole Miss in 1962, the Birmingham church
bombing of 1963, and the Selma-to-Montgomery march of 1965.
Throughout this period,
there was some white resistance, but little unity and bad
leadership. Blacks, as Mr. Grissom points out, very quickly
learned to stick together: [B]loc voting works to
the advantage of the negro in that his is the only special
interest group which can be counted on to stay the course
consistently, a decided advantage when it comes to extracting
promises from weather-vane politicians.
Among whites, the
moderate became the liberals best friend, writes
Mr. Grissom. Always counseling moderation, inaction,
passivity, the moderate never managed a stand on anything.
The South was also betrayed by its newspapers, many of which
were owned by Northerners. Even those with roots still in
the South had editors who played to a New York audience
rather than to their own readers. Ministers, as well, were
quick to capitulate, and whites became so demoralized that
the presence of a single black is enough to intimidate
a whole room full of whites.
Mr. Grissom describes some
of the consequences of this loss of nerve. A visit to Central
High School today finds that what was once the pride of
Little Rock needs millions of dollars of repairs, sits in
a blasted neighborhoodand hosts a museum that tells
the integration story. Not only do liberals do stupid
things, he writes; they commemorate them.
has become so perverted that it resists definition
and is a term sadly in search of a meaning.
Mr. Grissom always includes
the parts of the story liberal cheerleaders leave out. He
notes that years after the integration of Ole Miss, James
Meredith didnt have quite the view of the event he
was supposed to: They would have been crazy not to
fight against me, because I went there to fight them,
he said. I went there to take their good thing away
Despite the long string
of racial defeats for the South, the region still retains
some sense of race. The common joke in the South when Lisa
Marie Presley married Michael Jackson was that this was
proof Elvis was dead. If the King had had a
spark of life in him he would have showed up to stop her
marrying a black man.
In Mr. Grissoms view,
the civil rights uproar was central to a generalized
collapse of decency. It pre-dated drug-taking, the free-speech
movement, and demonstrations against the war in Vietnam,
but it merged with them, made use of them, and outlasted
them. There was not an issue in the Sixties that couldnt
be connected to a black cause, he writes.
The 1960s saw not only the
overthrow of the racial order but virtually every other
order as well. We are always only one generation away
from apostasy, and one untaught, untrained, undisciplined
generation is all it takes to break the chain of civilizations
perpetuity, writes Mr. Grissom. That generation
was the one the Sixties gave us.
He calls modern culture
a sea of pollution, and has the greatest revulsion
for the coarseness that now characterizes language, dress,
manners, and behavior. He blames much of the decline on
television, and wishes it had never been invented: If
Southerners dont quit watching TV, I fear it will
rob us of our very souls. Mr. Grissom frankly favors
censorship, and complains that too many people will betray
their principles for fear of being called prudes.
Mr. Grissom takes his faith
seriously, and writes angrily about imitation churches
that apologize to blacks, ordain women, promote miscegenation,
fawn over homosexuals and AIDS carriers, and join in attacks
on Southern symbols. He argues that efforts to change
with the times and to be relevant have
left churches with smaller congregations than ever. How,
he asks, can anyone be attracted to an institution that
calls God the father-mother and evokes the mighty
hand of God rather than His right hand
for fear of offending southpaws? If the religious
institutions of the South do not function properly,
he asks, what can the South expect in the way of order,
morality, and stability?
These are, of course, problems
that concern the whole country and not just the South. Mr.
Grissom also writes about the dangers of an immigration
policy based upon trying to avert charges of racism,
and his chapter on why the Republicans cannot save the South
could have been entitled why they cannot save anything.
They are, he notes simply one branch of a single-party
system, and it is because of them that the word conservative
has become so perverted that it resists definition
and is a term sadly in search of a meaning.
Is there any hope for the
South? Mr. Grissom is not sure. One must eventually
ask, he writes, if Southerners . . . can even
be moved to a consideration of their plight. Most,
he fears, have become a people who have forgotten
who they are. In this respect, Southerners are no
different from their Northernor Europeancousins.
The white man, Mr. Grissom writes, doesnt even
realize he is in a war. He fails to comprehend the seriousness
of his own situation and probably wont until he is
in the minorityand then it will be too late.
This books final prescription
for the South is not realistic. Swallowing his deep disapproval
of the man, Mr. Grissom quotes Abraham Lincoln from 1848Any
people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have
the right to rise up, and shake off the existing government,
and form a new one that suits them betterand
proposes secession. Secession appeals to Southerners nostalgic
for the gallantry and bravery of their Confederate ancestors,
and who believe that if the South were somehow free of Yankee
domination it would return to the healthy ways of the past.
only do liberals do stupid things, they commemorate
Secession would be wonderful.
There was, at one time, a Southern nation, and it could
perhaps be reborn. However, separatist sentiment among whites
is more likely to follow racial than sectional lines. Many
Southerners will look to Northern whites for racial allies
before they look to blacks for regional allies (though Mr.
Grissom does not consider blacks Southerners: Historically,
the term has never been applied to the negro . . . .).
Mr. Grissom understands that the central problem for the
South has been race, but for secession even to get a hearing,
it would have to be offered as something that would appeal
to blacks. That is no different from preaching states
rights when the problem is anthropology, and that approach
Mr. Grissom understands
what is at stake. Immigration and low birthrates are quickly
eroding the majority, and if the white man disappears, he
will take with him his sense of fair play, his unswerving
commitment to the underdog, his belief in personal responsibility,
his willingness to aid those in distress, his aversion to
crime, his strong sense of family, and his ability to create
and maintain stable governments. Precious as the South
may be, there are a few things that are even more important.
Can the South Survive? can
be purchased at www.michaelandrewgrissom.
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
Democracy of Liberals
Belgiums Vlaams Blok is
a nationalist party that calls for secession of Flanders from
Belgium, withdrawal from the EU, and tough restrictions on immigration.
The Blok would deport all illegal immigrants immediately, and
let legal immigrants stay only if they speak Flemish, know Flemish
laws and history, and are approved by Flemish neighbors. Few of
the Turks and Moroccans who live in Belgium would be able to stay.
The Bloks views make it
very unpopular with the Belgian establishment. When he took office
in 1999, Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt, who represents a Liberal-Socialist
coalition, said, The issue I want to be judged upon is whether
I will be able to stop the Vlaams Blok.
No minarets in this
In 2000, a government agency called
the Center for Equal Opportunities and the Fight against
Racism sued to ban the Vlaams Blok on the grounds that it
is a racist party not in line with European and international
human rights treaties. The Center did not sue the party itself,
because it would have had to charge it with a political crime,
and all such crimes must be tried by the Cour dAssises.
This is the only court in Belgium that seats a jury, and a jury
of citizens was unlikely to convict. Therefore, the government,
through its agency, charged three non-profit agencies affiliated
with the Vlaams Blok with putting out racist publications.
Belgium essentially bans private funding of political campaigns,
and the non-profits receive the state subsidies all major political
parties require in order to function. The government accuses the
non-profits of putting out racist publications. This,
it argues, is a press crime, not a political crime,
so the case can be tried before a judge rather than the Cour
In June 2001, the first trial
court rejected the governments case because it considered
the accusations political and therefore outside its competence.
The judiciary was being used as a stage for a political
settling of scores, wrote the judge. In Feb. 2003, an appellate
court upheld this decision, but the government took the case to
the Belgian Supreme Court, which overturned the second court and
sent the case for trial on its merits to the Court of Appeal in
Ghent, a stronghold of Socialists and Liberals. This court found
the agencies guilty and fined them the Euro equivalent of $14,880.
The ruling also forbade distribution of party literature and television
appearances by party members. The French-speaking television networks
in Belgium complied with the ruling, but the Flemish ones did
The Vlaams Blok has appealed the
ruling to the Supreme Court again, but it has little chance of
winning. If the Supreme Court upholds the Ghent ruling, the Blok
loses all government funding. Essentially it becomes a criminal
organization and cannot field candidates.
The ban on campaigning was particularly
harmful because it came just before the June 13 elections. The
Vlaams Blok still became the largest party in Belgium, receiving
24.1 percent of the vote and 32 seats in the Flemish parliament.
Its 981,587 votes surpassed those of the Socialiststhe ruling
party in the French-speaking parliament in the Wallonia regionby
almost 100,000, but the Blok cannot form a government. Just as
the French parties do with the National Front, all other parties
have colluded to keep it out of power. They have agreed never
even to talk to the party, let alone form a coalition with it.
Belgium is therefore in the astonishing position of having its
most popular party unable to form a government and even facing
dissolution at the hands of judges.
If this blatantly anti-democratic
effort to stifle nationalist opposition succeeds, the Blok vows
that its members will promptly establish a new party. [Stephen
Pollard, Ive Seen The Future: Its Scary And Belgian,
The Times (London), Apr. 24, 2004. Belgium Strangles Opposition,
The Flemish Republic, Jan-Feb.-March, 2004. Winning Team, The
Flemish Republic, April-May-June, 2004.]
The most notable result of the
June European Parliament elections was the success of Euroskeptic
parties that want their countries out of the European Union (EU).
In Britain, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), was among the largest
gainers. It received 16 percent of the vote, more than double
its share in the 1999 European Parliament election, and the number
of UKIP Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) increased from
two to 12. UKIPs gains came at the expense of Britains
two largest parties: Labour got 23 percent of the vote, six percent
less than in 1999, and its worst result in a national election
in almost a century. The Tories received 27 percent of the vote,
down nine percent from 1999 and their worst result since 1832.
While the primary plank in UKIPs
platform is withdrawal from the EU on the grounds that it is corrupt
and economically harmful to Britain, it has also taken a strong
stand against mass immigration and political correctness.
According to its website, UKIP stands for Freedom from Overcrowding.
It complains that more than 200,000 legal immigrants and an unknown
number of illegal immigrants are coming to Britain every year.
This influx overloads roads, railways, and social services, and
causes social tensions. Ashley Mote, one of UKIPs
newly elected MEPs, has written a book called Overcrowded Britain,
which urges restrictions. UKIP would also revise anti-hate speech
laws, noting that there is no one correct view
on immigration, the European Union, devolution, multiculturalism,
education, womens rights, fox hunting, or anything else.
Newly-elected UKIP MEP Robert
Kilroy-Silk, a former Labour MP, is the partys most visible
member. He was fired from his job as a television talkshow host
and prosecuted for inciting racial hatred after he
wrote in a January newspaper editorial that Arabs contributed
nothing to the modern world, and referred to them generally as
suicide bombers, limb-amputators, women repressors.
To those who complain that the war on terror is destroying the
Arab world, he answered there would be little lost even if it
did. He was recently acquitted of inciting hatred,
and his well-publicized remarks do not seem to have decreased
his popularity with the voters.
The British National Party also
made great strides in the electionup to 4.9 percent of the
vote from one percent in the last electionbut failed to
elect any MEPs. The Guardian called UKIPs success
a spectacular irruption into the existing electoral order,
because it was the first time a populist party of the right
had won so much support. [Robert Kilroy-Silk, We Owe the Arabs
Nothing, Sunday Express, January 4, 2004. The Price Of Ukip, The
Guardian, June 14, 2004. UKIP Makes Big Gains In Euro Poll, BBC
News, June 14, 2004. No Charges Over Kilroys Remarks, BBC
News, July 1, 2004. UK Independence Party Official Website, www.ukip.org]
Coming to a polling
station near you?
A group of congressmen, led by
black Texas Rep. Eddie Bernice Johnson, have sent a letter to
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan asking the United Nations to send
election observers to monitor the US presidential election in
November, in order to ensure free and fair elections in
In the letter, Rep. Johnson refers
to the June 2001 report of the US Commission of Civil Rights that
found that the electoral process in Florida resulted in the denial
of the right to vote for countless persons, and that
the disenfranchisement of Floridas voters fell most
harshly on the shoulders of black voters and in poor counties.
The congressmenfour black,
four white and one Hispanicwant the UN to post observers
throughout the US, not just Florida. The UN has yet to respond.
[US Lawmakers Request UN Observers for November 2 Presidential
Election, AFP, July 2, 2004.]
in on Racial Differences
Once again, science confirms the
reality of race. Although the link between obesity and poor health
is well established for whites, new research suggests extra pounds
do not hurt blacksparticularly black womenas much
as they do whites, and may even help them live longer. A study
by the American Cancer Society found that being overweight does
not affect the health of black women until they reach a body mass
index (BMI) of 35, well into the obese range, and even then the
increase in the risk of death is only 20 percent. Among black
men, the risk of death begins to increase as they reach the overweight
category, but the rate of increase is small. The study also suggests
that blacks whose BMI is in the overweight but not obese range
may actually live longer than blacks of normal weight.
Because blacks generally die younger
than whites, some scientists believe other causes of death mask
or distort the effect of obesity. Others argue that blacks may
suffer less harm from excess weight because of the way they store
fat. Blacks often distribute it under the skin all over their
bodies, rather than deep in the abdomen like most whites. Overweight
blacks therefore tend to have lower levels of harmful triglycerides
than whites and higher levels of beneficial HDL cholesterol.
People dont know what
to make of it, says Dr. Steven Heymsfield of Columbia University.
Blacks still have a lot of strokes and heart attacks, but
maybe its for reasons other than [body mass index].
[Daniel Q. Haney, Blacks Less Prone to Risks from Fat, AP, June
In September, whites in Annapolis,
Maryland, will witness an act of racially humiliating street theater,
courtesy of local blacks and a European non-profit group called
The Lifeline Expedition that travels the world apologizing for
slavery. They plan to create racial empathy by organizing
a slave parade through the streets of Annapoliswith
yoked, chained whites and black masters. I think
that the publicity that it will receive will be very positive
for Annapolis, says John Wilson, executive director of RESPECT,
an umbrella organization of Annapolis-area black groups. This,
while symbolic, is an important step to allow people to move on.
The Lifeline Expedition, based
in London, has organized similar marches in France, Portugal,
Spain, and other white countries that took part in the slave trade,
and plans to hold marches this fall in Baltimore, Boston, Charleston,
Newport, R.I., New York and Richmond, as well as in Annapolis.
The Richmond event will include a march from Jamestown to Williamsburg.
The groups aims include promoting reconciliation in
the context of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and its legacy
and apologizing for the slave trade and in particular for
The Alex Haley-Kunta Kinte Foundation,
named after the plagiarizing author of Roots and his fictional
African ancestor, issued the invitation to Lifeline.
The Annapolis march will take place on September 29, the supposed
anniversary of Kunta Kintes 1767 arrival in the port city.
Organizers will also pray with insight at places associated
with the slave trade, hand out flyers, and visit city hall to
encourage the city fathers to apologize for slavery. Foundation
member Carol Youmans says the group is hoping the event will encourage
recognition and awareness of the ramifications of slavery,
and that those who witness it will be moved to pledge to
work hard to eradicate the social damage.
Miss Youmans notes that to make
sure the parade itself causes no social damage, the
police are going to be on hand. [Roles to be Reversed
in Annapolis Slave March, WBAL Radio/AP, July 1, 2004. The
Lifeline Expediton website, www.lifelineexpedition.co.uk]
Richard Brown, who is black, appeared
in a Milford, Connecticut, courtroom on June 23 to plead guilty
to armed robbery in exchange for a maximum sentence of 15 years.
As prosecutors worked out details with the judge, Mr. Brown began
talking loudly to his court-appointed lawyer, prompting Superior
Court Judge Patrick Carroll to tell him to be quiet. Judge Carroll
then asked Mr. Browns lawyer why he should accept a guilty
plea from such a poorly-behaved defendant. Mr. Brown started talking
back to the judge, insisting on more time with his lawyer. When
the judge told Mr. Brown to call him sir, he shouted,
Sir? Kiss my (expletive), sir! He then turned his
back on the bench and dropped his pants, exposing his buttocks.
Judge Carroll immediately found Mr. Brown in contempt, gave him
a six-month sentence, and ordered him out of the court. Mr. Brown
called Judge Carroll a racist and a white devil
as bailiffs dragged him away. The prosecution withdrew the plea
agreement, and Mr. Brown now faces a possible 40 years in prison
if convicted of robbery. [Meggan Clark, Defendant Moons
Judge During Court, Register (New Haven), June 24, 2004, p. A1.]
On June 29, a federal grand jury
indicted Philadelphias former City Treasurer, Corey Kemp,
and his friend Ronald White on dozens of corruption charges. Both
men are black. Mr. Kemp faces up to 798 years in prison, and Mr.
White 555 years. The FBI accuses Mr. White of giving Mr. Kemp
tens of thousands of dollars in cash and gifts in return for city
contracts for Mr. White and his associates. Mr. White paid $10,350
to build a deck for Mr. Kemps house, gave him a trip to
the 2003 NFL Super Bowl in San Diego, and provided season tickets
and limousine rides to Philadelphia basketball games. Mr. White,
a lawyer, earned more than $600,000 in city legal fees during
Mr. Kemps tenurefrom April 2002 to December 2003.
Mr. Whites girlfriend, Janice Knight, who owns a printing
firm, received $300,000 in city contracts during the same period.
The men are also accused of multiple
counts of extortion. When a Baltimore broker asked to do business
with the city, they told him to make a contribution to Philadelphia
Mayor John Streets campaign and to give work to Miss Knight.
When the broker refused, they turned him down. They also demanded
a $25,000 contribution to Mayor Streets campaign from a
Philadelphia financial advisory firm in exchange for city contracts
and access to the mayor.
The FBI wiretapped conversations
that make it clear the men gave city business only to campaign
contributors. If they aint with us they aint
gonna get nothing . . . . says Mr. Kemp in one conversation.
I mean, this is . . . election time, this is time to either
get down or lay down, man, I mean, come on, to me, personally
its not even a hard decision. Mayor John Streets
re-election meant money in their pockets: The key for us
right now, man, Mr. White says, is to concentrate
on getting John elected, so it gives us four more years to do
our thing. If we get four more years, Corey, we should be able
to set up.
The FBI says Mr. Kemp and the
Rev. Francis McCracken, also black, filed false statements to
get a $115,000 advance on a bank loan to Rev. McCrackens
church and then spent $50,000 on themselves. The grand jury has
not charged Mayor Street, likewise black, with any crime, but
accused him of creating a culture of corruption in
his administration. When the mayor found out about the FBI investigation
in 2003, he suggested it was a Republican dirty trick
to derail his re-election, and suggested it was racially
Mr. White says the grand jury
suffers from cultural misunderstanding. He explains that it is
part of black culture for blacks to help each other: [Mr.
Kemp] was a friend of mine and theyve taken a friendship
and turned it into or tried to portray it into something else.
[Department of Justice, White, Kemp, And 10 Others Charged In
Philadelphia Corruption Case, (Press Release) June 29, 2004. White
Blames Indictment On Cultural Misunderstanding, NBC10.com (Philadelphia),
June 30, 2004. Three More Arraigned In Philadelphia Corruption
Probe, NBC10.com (Philadelphia), July 2, 2004.]
Racial tensions remain high in
Cincinnati, scene of violent anti-white rioting in April 2001
(see AR, June 2001). City and business leaders have set aside
$2.2 million to give summer jobs to 3,000 young blacks. The state
of Ohio has spent another $1 million over the past two years for
even more jobs for blacks, and the US Department of Labor has
earmarked yet another $2 million. Black state Rep. Tyrone Yates,
a former Cincinnati councilman, wants $4 million more. In a letter
to Ohio Gov. Robert Taft, Rep. Yates wrote that he was sensing
a terrible summer situation brewing in the poor and African-American
community. It is my opinion, and unfortunate prediction,
he added, that Cincinnati will see major disruptions without
an infusion of summer employment dollars.
What it took to stop
them last time.
Fellow state representative Thomas
Brinkman calls Rep. Yates letter outrageous extortion.
I think it is wrong on so many levels, its unbelievable,
he says. Its threateningyoull have
blood on your hands if you dont act. Its foolish,
because everyone knows the budget. We dont have $4 million
lying around to throw at a problem. Rep Yates says the threat
is real. My writing was out of grave concern for the city,
he says. [Kevin Aldridge and Justin Fenton, Letter Predicts Summer
of Unrest, Cincinnati Enquirer, June 18, 2004.]
A St. Petersburg, Florida, judge
has taken the first step toward requiring a school district to
produce equal racial outcomes as a matter of law. On July 2, Judge
James Case of the Pinellas-Pasco Circuit granted class-action
status to all current and future black students in Pinellas County
in a suit that claims racial differences in academic achievement
violate the equal protection clause of the Florida constitution.
The suit would require that the county do whatever it takes to
eliminate the achievement gap.
In his decision, Judge Case wrote
that the plaintiffs have cited an overabundance of statistical
evidence indicating that black students are achieving far below
white students in every category. School authorities argued
that differences in performance reflect an accumulation of individual
differences and do not mean all blacks should be treated as collective
plaintiffs. Judge Case disagreed, writing, Although individual
cases reinforce the statistical data, it is the system as a whole
that is being challenged, not how that system has dealt with a
particular student on an individual basis. [AP, Suit Expanded
to Include More Black Students, Herald (Miami), July 3, 2004.]
For a judge to recognize a class
of plaintiffs is tantamount to finding in the classs favor,
and most defendants give up at this stage and settle. If Pinellas
County agrees that the Florida constitution really does require
equal academic outcomes for all racial groups, it will bind itself
to whatever programs this requiresblack principals?
Afro-centric curriculum? private tutors for blacks? fewer hours
of instruction for whites?forever.
In 1937, President Franklin Roosevelt
appointed Alabama Senator Hugo Black, his favorite New Dealer,
to the Supreme Court. Blacks former membership in the KKK
did not sit well with many members of the media, and Time
magazine wrote at the time that he wouldnt have to
buy a robe; he could dye his white one black.
A careful examination of Blacks
career would have reassured them. Black was a life-long champion
of equal rights for blacks. He built a successful legal practice
by winning large settlements for injured blacks and immigrants
against white-owned steel mills and coal mines in Birmingham.
His Klan membershiponly two years, from 1923 to 1925appears
to have been purely political. He used it to impress jurors and
win votes for his 1926 Senate campaign. He was opposed to separate-but-equal
education, and later became one of the nine Supreme Court justices
who declared school segregation unconstitutional in Brown v.
Board of Education in 1954 (see last months AR). Black
strongly opposed the Courts delaying tactic of integration
with all deliberate speed, believing it should be
immediate. Stephen Black, the only one of his 13 grandchildren
to return to Alabama explains: He said late in his life
the only decision in his career that he regretted was agreeing
to the language all deliberate speed. He said he felt
it caused undue delay in the process of desegregation.
Blacks vote on Brown
made him and his family personae non grata in Alabama.
His two sons, one a Birmingham lawyer planning a run for the Senate,
were forced to move out of the state. The University of Alabama
Law School refused to let him attend his 50th reunion in 1956,
and in 1959, the state Senate passed a resolution recommending
that he not be buried in Alabama. He isnt. After his death
in 1971, Black was buried in Arlington National Cemetery. [April
Wortham, The Reclaiming of Hugo Black, Tuscaloosa News, May 16,
2004, p. 1A.]
Last September, Abington Memorial
Hospital in Pennsylvania made national headlines when staff honored
the wish of a white man who asked that no blacks be present when
his wife gave birth to their child. Hospital administrators have
spent the last eight months apologizing for something they now
consider morally reprehensible.
They disciplined the supervisors
who made the decision to keep blacks out, met with local black
leaders, and set up a diversity committee. They hired consultants
from the Multicultural Research and Training Institute to survey
the staff and give advice on how the hospital should exercise
its new-found appreciation of diversity. The report, which administrators
say they will probably keep secret, will set the terms of a mandatory
cultural competency training program for the hospitals
Hospital vice president Meg McGoldrick
says the goal of the training is to ensure that diversity
exists in our hospital, and that were handling these issues
appropriately. And, most importantly, to make sure that nothing
like what happened in September ever happens again. [Oliver
Prichard, Study on Race is Due at Abington Memorial, Philadelphia
Inquirer, June 2, 2004, p. B4.]
The Havasupai Indians of Arizona
believe that humansthemwere born on the floor of the
Grand Canyon after the waters receded following a world-wide flood.
They were shocked when Daniel Garrigan, an Arizona Sate University
(ASU) doctoral candidate, claimed that analysis of their blood
proved they originated in Asia. Tribe member Carletta Tilousi
was present when Mr. Garrigan defended his dissertation, and asked
if he had received tribal permission to study their blood. He
admitted he had not.
I knew we wouldnt
have given this guy or anyone permission to do that study,
she says. I started to think, How dare this guy challenge
our identity with our own blood, DNA. Then I remembered
when many of us gave blood years ago for a diabetes project. I
wondered if this was the same blood.
The Havasupai suffer from high
rates of diabetes, and in the early 1990s asked ASU for help.
Seventy-five tribe members gave more than 4,000 blood samples
to a team of ASU researchers led by Prof. Therese Markow. The
tribe hired a lawyer to find out what happened to its blood. It
learned that Prof. Markows team used the blood to study
schizophrenia, inbreeding, and migration patterns as well as diabetes.
Researchers also sent samples to other labs and universities across
the country. At least 23 articles and dissertations have been
based on Havasupai blood research, and only 15 are on diabetes.
The tribe decided to sue, claiming severe mental and emotional
harm, suffering, fright, anguish, shock, nervousness and anxiety.
Supporters of the Havasupai say
that the non diabetes-related research is unethical, and liken
it to taking blood from Christians in Nazareth for one purpose
and then claiming it proves Jesus never existed. Think how
devastating it would be to learn that you unknowingly gave your
blood for studies that went against your entire belief system
of origin, says Argosy University psychology professor Louise
The tribe is suing for $25 million
on behalf of 52 individual Havasupai and for $50 million on behalf
of the tribe. Both suits name ASU, the Arizona Board of Regents,
Prof. Markow and two other researchers as defendants. The two
other researchers say Prof. Markow misled them as well as the
Havasupai about the nature and extent of her research. [Paul Rubin,
Indian Givers, New Times (Phoenix), May 27-June 2, 2004, p. 19.
Larry Hendricks, Arizona Daily Sun (Flagstaff), March 16, 2004.]
Six people died last October 17
in a fire at a 35-story building in downtown Chicago. There was
strong evidence of fire department incompetence, and Cook County
appointed a commission of retired judges to investigate. The Mikva
Commission, which takes its name from its chairman, Judge Abner
Mikva, held months of hearings and took days of candid testimony
from firemen. The result is a report that finally states the obvious:
Firemen and officers should be appointed on the basis of tested
competence, not race or sex.
The department now has 52 high-level
jobs that are filled through political appointment rather than
competitive examination. Forty-nine percent of the people who
hold these jobs are white, 35 percent are black, 11.5 percent
are Hispanic, and 3.8 percent are women. The Mikva Commission
found that three of these appointed officersone black and
two Hispanicwere directly responsible for elementary and
probably fatal mistakes on October 17. Firemen shut the wrong
doors, causing a stairway to fill with smoke rather than funnel
smoke out of the building, and several people probably died as
a result. No one set up a search-and-rescue team, and firemen
concentrated on putting out the fire rather than saving people.
No one got the information from calls people trapped in the building
made to 911. Someone told the black officer about a housekeeper
missing on the 21st floor but he did nothing until he got a second
report. She died.
One veteran white fireman says
it was only a matter of time before racial preferences started
killing people. Anybody whos been around for a while
could see it coming, he says. It finally bit us in
the ass. It absolutely did.
The Mikva Commission also called
on the county to maintain fitness standards for firemen. They
particularly criticized a fat black lieutenant who gave up on
a search of the fatal, smoky staircase, and had to be treated
by medics. Morbidly obese people shouldnt be fighting
fires, says commission member Sheila Murphy.
Candor of this kind from a government
commission is astonishing, but in this case the incompetence appears
to have been so obvious that even the inevitable black howling
is relatively muted. I dont think this has anything
to do with affirmative action, says Alderman Freddrenna
Lyle. Thats just an excuse to be used by people opposed
The Mikva Commission report comes
at an awkward time. On April 1, Mayor Richard Daley nudged out
a white fire commissioner and appointed the citys first
black, Cortez Trotter. Blacks and Hispanics have besieged Mr.
Trotter with demands for non-competitive appointments. This is
exactly what the Mikva Commission says must stop. It remains to
be seen what the city thinks is more important: saving lives or
appeasing non-whites. [Fran Spielman and Frank Main, Loop Fire
Report Says Fire Department, Not Fire, Responsible for Six Lives
Being Lost, Chicago Sun-Times, June 28, 2004. Fran Spielman and
Annie Sweeney, Mikva Calls for Promotions Overhual, Chicago Sun-Times,
July 2, 2004.]
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| L E T T E R S
F R O M R E A D E R S
SirJared Taylors fact-filled
examination of the history of Brown v. Board (July 2004)
was a useful corrective to the mythmaking of our elites.
One point that cannot be emphasized
too much is that during the 1950s and early 60s, whites
outside the South supported the soi-disant civil rights
movement because they thought it would not affect them. Indeed,
prior to the mid-1960s, race relations were sometimes referred
to as the Southern problem.
So long as blacks were only seeking
the abolition of Jim Crow in the South, so long as it was only
in the South that white children were forced to attend schools
with blacks, Northerners supported civil rights. They assumed
its principles would never reach into their all-white communities.
However, after those principles were enshrined in federal law
by the 1964 Civil Rights Act, after Northern cities went up in
flames during the long hot summers of black riots
in the 60s, and after many thousands of Northerners fled
their cities to escape the terrors of integration,
the truth was harder to hide.
Martin Luther King, Jr. who tried
to bring his movement north in 1965, later admitted the hopelessness
of fighting Northern whites: Ive been in demonstrations
all across the South. But I can say that I have never seen, even
in Mississippi and Alabama, mobs as hostile and as hate-filled
as Ive seen in Chicago.
Of course, most of those whites
have long since decamped to white enclaves, but there has never
been any real recognition of the Norths hypocrisy in supporting
a program of Southern integration which the North
was unprepared to accept for itself. Nor, for that matter, have
most Northerners been willing to admit their own desire to live
in majority-white communities.
Today, nearly all white Americans
profess to support integration in theory, even as
they carefully avoid it in practice. The legacy of liberal hypocrisy
lives on, even as many conservatives (I cannot help
but think of radio/TV host Sean Hannity) now strain to pretend
that the civil rights movement was constitutional in principle
Name Withheld, Washington, D.C.
SirThe media recently celebrated
the 10th anniversary of the murders committed by O.J. Simpson.
In one report, I heard his trial referred to as The Trial
of the Century. I decided this term might be appropriate,
not because it involved a celebrity or because it
was televised, but rather because it was a foreboding glimpse
into the future.
A predominantely black jury sat
in judgment of a black man accused of murdering two whites. Would
justice trump racial solidarity? Most of white America, with its
smug belief in the concepts of blind justice and the rule of law,
was shocked to hear the jury return after only four hours with
a not guilty verdict, and by the subsequent celebrations
by blacks. As black Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall once
said to Justice William Douglas, You guys have been discriminating
for years. Now its our turn.
As America continues to darken,
and nonwhites become more overtly racialist, there will be more
opportunities for nonwhites to take their turn at
the expense of whites. The Simpson trial was a warning that government
by the people does not work in a balkanized, multiracial
Brian Byrne, Irvine, Cal.
ARs commentary on the
Simpson verdict can be found in the November 1995 issueEd.
SirIn the aftermath of Ronald
Reagans death, I think it is worth noting that Reagan, at
least at one time, may not have been just a conventional conservative,
but had a racial consciousness in the spirit of AR. I cite his
condemnation of welfare queens driving Cadillacs.
He made the remark in the mid-1960s after Lyndon Johnsons
disastrous Great Society greatly increased illegitimacyespecially
black illegitimacy. I also remember that in the 1980 Carter-Reagan
debate, when the subject of the minimum wage came up, Reagan claimed
it should be low in any case but even lower for blacks since their
unemployment rate was higher. He knew that employers would not
hire blacks at the prevailing minimum wage because of their low
Jack Judson, Downers Grove, Ill.
SirI discovered your website
last night and I find it superband also shocking. I live
in Wales, UK (soon to be called Englandistan!), and we suffering
Brits have had enough but dont know where to turn. Anyone
who dares question asylum or immigration is a Nazi, scum, etc.
The media are quick to condemn anyone who is politically incorrect,
even firing them if they are in their employ. There are organizations
that commit violence upon democratically elected British National
Party (BNP) members and seem to be immune from prosecution. My
country is governed by traitors and non-British politicians. Our
cities have been burned by black rioters, with the 1980s seeing
the worst, and racial tensions are still high in some areas. Bradford(istan)
and Oldham, in the north of England saw huge [south] Asian riots
in 2001 [see AR, July and September 2001]. Guess who received
the blame? The BNP.
Keep up the great websiteIm
Tina Kerswell, Wales, Great Britain
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