Under Black Rule (Part I)
the ANC dissolve a nation even the British Empire could not destroy?
by Dan Roodt
Southern Africa is the most
acute and dramatic example of the worldwide struggle of white
resistance against dispossession. What does the future hold for
white South Africans, specifically for the Afrikaners? Their ancestors
built South Africa; they are rooted to the land, and cannot easily
leave it as the British and other whites do. In this extraordinary
two-part essay, an Afrikaner weeps for the land and people he
are the Afrikaners, or Boers as they are often called? A hundred
years ago, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, the popular British writer
of the Sherlock Holmes mysteries, asked much the same question
in his book The Great Boer War:
The Voortrekker monument:
Is another Blood River in the making?
Look at the map of South
Africa, and there, in the very centre of the British possessions,
like the stone in a peach, lies the great stretch of the two republics,
a mighty domain for so small a people. How came they there? Who
are these Teutonic folk who have burrowed so deeply into Africa?
Elsewhere in the same book he
answered his own question:
Take a community of Dutchmen
of the type of those who defended themselves for fifty years against
all the power of Spain at a time when Spain was the greatest power
in the world. Intermix with them a strain of those inflexible
French Huguenots who gave up home and fortune and left their country
for ever at the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
The product must obviously be one of the most rugged, virile,
unconquerable races ever seen upon earth. Take this formidable
people and train them for seven generations in constant warfare
against savage men and ferocious beasts, in circumstances under
which no weakling could survive, place them so that they acquire
exceptional skill with weapons and in horsemanship, give them
a country which is eminently suited to the tactics of the huntsman,
the marksman, and the rider. Then, finally, put a finer temper
upon their military qualities by a dour fatalistic Old Testament
religion and an ardent and consuming patriotism. Combine all these
qualities and all these impulses in one individual, and you have
the modern Boerthe most formidable antagonist who ever crossed
the path of Imperial Britain.
There is no white
nation in South Africa, only the Afrikaner nation.
A hundred years later, there is
still a grain of truth in this description. Afrikaners still hunt;
many accountants, lawyers and businessmen would rather buy a game
farm than a yacht. They may collect antiques or rare books, but
also rhinoceri, African buffalo and other game. They still go
on treks to tame large stretches of African bush single-handedly.
It was these qualities that gave
rise to a multifaceted agriculture in one of the driest countries
in the world, where only six percent of the land is arable. In
the Karoo, for example, which is similar to the Arizona desert,
Afrikaners raise sheep on land most people would consider worthless.
Blacks have never settled in the Karoo because they would not
Afrikaners are a strong people,
physically as large as most Dutch or North Germans, and resilient
in the face of many hardships, such as the periodic droughts that
wrack the country and ruin their crops. During the Angolan war
in the 1980s, a force of never more than 3,000 white South African
soldiers commanded by a few stern but charismatic Afrikaner generals
stopped an army of 45,000 Angolans, Russians and Cubans at the
Namibian border. Because of the Western arms boycott against South
Africa, the Russians even had air superiority, but a small Boer
force held them off through sheer courage and creative battle
plans. Casualty figures now emerging from that war, cross-checked
against numbers from Havana and Moscow, show an almost unbelievable
number of enemy killed for every South African who fell. It is
with the same grim determination that they now bury the dead in
what amounts to an undeclared race war waged against them on farms,
street corners, and in their suburban homes, where they are robbed,
raped and killed.
Charlize Theron: a
The English South African novelist
and 1991 Nobel prize winner Nadine Gordimer made a career out
of caricaturing Afrikaners as oafish racists living out on farms,
where they drink brandy, torture natives, and practice incest.
In at least one respect she was right. Like the patricians of
republican Rome or the peasant famers of Western Europe from whom
they sprang, the Boers derive their strength from the land. The
word Boer means farmer. The stoic values praised by
Vergil in his so-called bucolic poetry are much the same as Afrikaner
values, a sort of pious conservatism that obeys God, respects
work, and embraces nature.
A number of Afrikaners have made
their mark outside Africa: Oscar-winning Hollywood actress Charlize
Theron, international models like Minki van der Westhuizen, whose
pin-ups graced the US tanks in Iraq, and opera singer Mimi Coertse,
who was the lead soprano for the Viennese State Opera for 20 years
in the 1950s and 60s. Johan Botha, the current male lead
of the Viennese Opera, is booked out years in advance in all the
major operatic centers. The physical beauty of many Afrikaner
women is a constant source of wonder to many. Even Miss Gordimer
has admitted as much.
Back in South Africa, President
Thabo Mbeki once famously referred to the country as two
nationsthe one rich and white, and the other black and poor.
He was not entirely correct. There is no such thing as a white
nation in South Africa, only the Afrikaner nation, along with
a motley collection of English-speakers, Portuguese, Greeks, Jews,
Germans, Italians, and the like. Under the old, so-called apartheid
government, all young white men did military service, during which
they were trained not only to be soldiers, but also in Afrikaans
and patriotism; there was then a kind of white nation in the making.
Now, the dominant blacks have adopted English, and are actively
trying to undermine Afrikaans and the nation it represents.
The Afrikaner Nation
The sense of community one experiences
among Afrikaners, at their schools, churches, cultural societies,
arts festivals and concerts, is completely different from that
among the English whites. The English South African, apart from
the sizeable number who have intermarried with Afrikaners or been
integrated to the point of becoming Afrikaners themselves, is
an atomised individual, linked by his language and outlook not
to Africa but to that powerful Anglo-American civilization that
still radiates its influence from across the oceans. As such,
he is fascinated by the model of the sovereign individual who
wants to get rich quickly, and buy a better house with better
security in a more lavish gated community. He is essentially apolitical
and adapts to circumstances. He thinks he can outwit the black
government in a double game in which he pretends to be in favor
of affirmative action. He will play the game, get a black partner
to stay in business, and mouth the multicultural clichés
of his English newspaper that already has a black editor, while
privately voicing his misgivings and making sure his passport
is ready for a quick exit in case things go wrong.
In the rest of Africa, including
the ex-Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), which once had a white community
of 300,000, the sovereign individual model has not worked. One
has only to read V.S. Naipauls A Bend in the River,
set in the Congo, to get a feel for the vulnerability of atomized
expatriots to the radical caprice of African politics.
Afrikaners are not sovereign individuals,
generally speaking. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
they went through a great Romantic movement, a flowering of literature,
translations, music and historical reflection that bound them
into a nation of the European type, a cultural nation or kultuurvolk
as they like to call themselves.
This explains the extraordinary
level of Afrikaner cohesion in the face of intense official hostility.
In South Africa today, it is virtually illegal to maintain or
run any institution except a private family without it being,
in official parlance, demographically representative.
The ANC hires thousands of inspectors to harass schools, universities,
businesseseven family businessessports clubs, trade
unions, newspapers, radio stations, hospitals and clinics about
their racial composition. Strictly speaking, it is illegal to
employ whites unless they make up less than 10 percent of the
payroll. An Afrikaans-language radio station, Radio Pretoria,
lost its license because it employed only whites, and is now in
a major legal battle to survive.
One should not
underestimate the thousand little resistances carried
out every day.
Yet one should not underestimate
the thousand little resistances carried out every day, in schools,
companies, hospitals and elsewhere. Whole suburbs in Pretoria
are policed not by the South African Police Departmentcompletely
black, with corrupt cops and hardened criminals in its ranksbut
by an all-white private security company consisting, as one satisfied
female resident put it, of handsome young Boers. Their
patrols ensure a level of security unheard-of in crime-ridden
Despite the laws and harassment,
many people get away with running ethnic Afrikaner or white businesses.
Suburban houses often shelter thriving companies employing up
to a dozen white people who ply their trades, unbeknown to inspectors.
Every remaining Afrikaans school outside the Cape Province with
its large Afrikaans-speaking Coloured population is still 99 percent
white, as are the Afrikaans classes at bilingual schools. Government
incompetence, predictable in most African countries, makes for
a less than perfect system. To police a white population of six
million people actively going about their daily business is an
arduous task, especially when two thirds of them enjoy a distinct
culture the government can penetrate only with difficulty.
There are other bastions of Afrikanerdom.
On Easter Friday last year, I took my children to a church service,
accompanied by a classical music program. The Reformed Church
on the outskirts of Pretoria was packed to capacity with about
1,500 peoplenot a single black face among them. According
to the mores of the new South Africa, where mixing is de rigeur
and legally enforced, this gathering was scandalous. Afterwards
people drank tea or coffee and had melktert [milk tarts]
and koeksisters [a fried dough dessert],
Boer delicacies found everywhere in South Africa.
My childrens school still
bears some of the marks of nationhood. It used to be known as
a laerskool, the equivalent of grade school, and instruction
was exclusively in Afrikaans. Under official threat, it has now
become a parallel medium school, and a third of the
children take classes in English. During the prize-giving ceremony,
the names are called from the Afrikaans-speaking class, with the
children standing on stage in a neat row in their school uniforms.
The surnames are all familiar Afrikaner ones, deriving from our
Dutch, French Huguenot, German and Scottish forebears. Further
examination of the fresh young faces and healthy bodies shows
that at least half if not more of the children are blond. An extraordinarily
high number have sparkling blue eyes. In fact, standing next to
the English-medium class in the same age group, they seem almost
like a caricature of the Aryan ideal.
Their language protects
When the English names
are called out, a multicultural array of children saunters onto
the stage, some of them white English-speakers, others Africans
with names that are difficult for their white teacher to pronounce,
a few Indians and mixed-race Coloreds, a Portuguese or a Greek,
as well as a few Afrikaner children whose parents have put them
in the English-speaking class because they have succumbed to the
fallacy that the future is English. The ceremony is
punctuated by performances provided almost exclusively by the
Afrikaner children, including a piece by Bach for piano and cello,
played faultlessly by further caricatures of the Aryan ideal.
It is hard not to smile at some
of the South African realities known only to the Afrikaner. The
results of the matric examination, our equivalent of the high
school diploma, were published at the end of December 2003. On
the front pages of the English-language newspapers there were
photographs of smiling black students celebrating their successes.
One African girl in Gauteng province, which surrounds Johannesburg,
received distinctionmeaning marks of above 80 percentin
five subjects. In fact, standards have been lowered to the point
that it is almost impossible for anyone who takes the trouble
to write the examination to fail the matric, and getting a distinction
is not what it used to be. Still, reading the Johannesburg Star,
one would think the province teems with black geniuses, all personally
congratulated by the provincial Minister of Education. One wonders
what happened to all those Afrikaner children.
Then you buy the Afrikaans-language
Beeld, and the truth emerges. Here there are rankings and
statistics, and more pictures, this time of a youngster named
Riaan Swanepoel from the Menlopark Hoërskool in Pretoria
who got not five, not 10, but 19 distinctions. Of the 10
children in Gauteng province who got the highest overall marks
in the matric exam, seven are Afrikaners from Afrikaans-language
schools. Afrikaners probably represent 10 percent or fewer of
the children in the province, yet won 70 percent of the top academic
One discovers that the governments
game of subverting education so that just about everyone can pass,
has started a new game among the highly competitive Afrikaans
high schools of Pretoria: making the bright children take not
just the six mandatory subjects, but 10, 15 or even 20 to see
if they can shoot the lights out by getting more than 80 percent
in all of them.
Another white bastion.
Of course, eventually the South
African government will abolish exams and grades entirely, as
they have already done for younger children. Afrikaans schools
are now developing an underground system of traditional teaching
methods, including grades, while keeping the official paperwork
for outcomes-based education and continuous
assessment, as if the schools were really following official
edicts. At one major high school in Pretoria, the teachers recently
had to work through the night to prepare phony paperwork for a
government inspection. The officials left none the wiser, unaware
that the infernal system that produces straight-A students who
play chess, the piano, and that aggressive, white male-dominated,
racist sport, rugby continues unabated.
But can this game of hide-and-seek
continue? At the start of the 2004 academic year, there were more
attempts to swamp the remaining Afrikaans-language schools with
black students demanding instruction in English, even at schools
with no space for them. It may be that in a few years time,
Afrikaners will have to take their children out of school altogether;
many already prefer home schooling or private microschools where
technology is used to teach in innovative ways.
Like so many nations, Afrikaners
are bound together by their language, Afrikaans. The old South
Africa was a bilingual country with English dominant in business,
and Afrikaans used in government, in parliament, the military,
the police and the education system. Afrikaners had firmly-established
Afrikaans-speaking institutions at all levels. Now, because race-mixing
and the Africanisation of the national cultureif such a
thing existsare official policy, breaking down the Afrikaner
identity is a top priority. Government spokesmen rage that Afrikaans
is a barrier, and they are right.
Although English is spoken as
a mother tongue by only three million people (including more than
one million Indians) out of 46 million, it is the official medium
of nation-building, that forlorn dream of every African
government since the 1950s. Afrikaans is widely spoken as a lingua
franca by about 15 million people in South Africa and Namibia,
especially outside the major cities, but it does not attract Africans,
who see English as the instrument of power and prestige. Most
South African blacks are so bewitched by the alleged power of
English that when they visit Europe for the first time they are
surprised to find that the people of France, Germany or Italy
speak their own languages, not English.
The presence of an imperial language
like English, with its global Hollywood culture appealing to the
multicultural masses, sets the Afrikaners apart. Blacks avoid
Afrikaans institutions, which they see as ethnically exclusive.
Most of the black elite that rule in Pretoria prefer to commute
from houses in Johannesburg 25 miles away, since they still think
of the capital as an unwelcoming, Afrikaner city. The black attraction
to English is driving some English-speaking whites to Afrikaans.
In some towns on the East Rand, where middle class English-speaking
whites cannot afford private schools, they have started sending
their children to Afrikaans government schools to escape from
their own English-speaking schools, which have been swamped by
(The same thing is happening in
Brussels, where French-speaking Walloons have traditionally looked
down on the Flemish, but now send their children to Dutch-language
schools where they can still get a European education. The French-speaking
schools have been taken over by North and West African immigrants,
who want to learn an imperial language rather than Dutch. White-minority
languages may become a haven for maintaining Western identities
and education standards, both in Europe and in South Africa.)
Afrikaans may be a barrier to
blacks, but there are also racial barriers and divisions within
Afrikaans. Eighty percent of the four million mixed-race Coloureds
speak Afrikaans, sometimes very beautifully in rural areas, but
since 1994 the government has pushed for the Creolization of Afrikaans.
For the government and media, speaking or writing proper
Afrikaans, the standard, white, Germanic version of the
language, is a sign of political conservatism and opposition to
The new model is a debased version
spoken by urban Coloreds, mixed with English words and expressions.
Subverting Afrikaans and turning it into a Creole language would
facilitate the linguistic and racial assimilation of the Afrikaners
themselves. English, too, is changing quickly, and is no longer
subject to what used to be the British norms; in many parts of
the country it is also being Creolized, mixed with African words,
the grammar and pronunciation losing their rigor.
At first, the official push toward
Creolization met with little resistance, and was even welcomed
in liberal or left-wing circles. Recently, however, there has
been a backlash against non-standard forms of Afrikaans, as well
as mixing the language with English. A broad front of Afrikaner
authors and intellectuals, including homosexual and left-wing
writers, now vehemently opposes any form of mixing or denaturing.
This has drawn a new racial line in the sand, because Afrikaans-speaking
Colored journalists and intellectuals instinctively lean toward
a Creolized language, and eschew any form of purity, whether linguistic
Currently, Afrikanerdom is being
scandalized by a novel that captures the ambiguities of even those
Afrikaners who appear to have thrown over everything their ancestors
stood for. The novel is Kontrei, published in 2003 by a
47-year old Bohemian living in one of the Johannesburg areas called
Yeoville that has been taken over by blacks in the last five years.
Once a Jewish quarter with synagogues and beautiful apartment
buildings designed by famous South African architects, Yeoville
is now a crime- and drug-ridden slum, lorded over by Nigerian
and Congolese gangsters.
prayer in Africkaans.
Writing under the pseudonym of
Kleinboer (Little Boer), the author describes his life as probably
the last white person left in Yeoville. He lives with an HIV-positive
Zulu woman and her mixed-race child by a Portuguese man; he also
regularly visits black prostitutes from all over Africa in the
many brothels in adjacent Hillbrow, an area known as the Manhattan
of Africa when whites still lived there, as recently as 15 years
Academic studies show that it
takes a prostitute in Johannesburg an average of six weeks to
become infected with HIV. Although Kleinboer has, by his own admission,
slept with over 400 black prostitutes, and though he lives with
someone who is HIV-positive, he is a healthy man. He has a science
degree, and is fanatical about wearing condoms. Despite free condoms
and hundreds of millions of dollars for advertising campaigns
by government, few blacks manage to practice so-called
Kleinboer enjoys the rush of black
life: sex at ten dollars a throw, the adrenaline of watching gang
members kill each other, the free availability of drugs, in which
he occasionally indulges. But he also answers the door with a
machete, and sleeps with a loaded revolver under his pillow. During
one of his forays into white society, Kleinboer tells his suburban
host, It is so nice to visit white people for a change that
I wouldnt mind paying you for the privilege. I could never
leave my cellphone or car keys lying about in Yeoville as I do
here, not even in my own home.
Despite his almost incalculable
distance from the Afrikaner society of Easter Friday services
and school awards ceremonies, Kleinboer practises condom apartheid,
and would probably never father a child with a black woman. Thus
he hardly represents the model for the métissage
or generalized race-mixing so often preached by visiting Westerners
to South Africa, and who want to see whites cease to exist as
a distinct racial and cultural group.
Even a racial Bohemian like Kleinboer
writes in the white form of Afrikaans, his book is read by whites,
and he knows how to participate in a Caucasian high culture that
utterly excludes those around him. His live-in Zulu lover will
never read what he has written, because she does not understand
Afrikaans, and is unaware that she has become a household name
among white Afrikaners who find their own dark suspicions about
black life confirmed by Kleinboers humorous, decadent tale.
Perhaps even for Kleinboer, the struggle for Afrikaans is emblematic
of that wider resistance to being racially assimilated by the
This resistance becomes increasingly
necessary and difficult. The radical Indian minister of education,
Kader Asmal, stated last year that there were no longer any Afrikaans
universitieseven though great institutions like Stellenbosch,
Bloemfontein, Potchefstoom, Pretoria and the Rand Afrikaans University
(RAU) were built up by Afrikaners over more than a century. From
now on they belong to the black state, which will turn them into
English-language, multicultural institutions.
The demographic weight of the
black majority, the reality of black power, and the persistant
racial gap in skills and ability have put the Afrikaner in a strange
position of servitude. White South Africans, particularly Afrikaners
with their idealistic disposition and lingering patriotic feelings
over a South Africa that no longer belongs to them, are in danger
of becoming the intellectual slaves of blacks, much like the Greeks
of Rome who educated Roman children and managed their masters
households, estates, and businesses.
South Africa is creating a new
kind of cognitive and racial hierarchy never seen in the world
before. Since 1994, at least in government service, there exists
a kind of caste system in which the top echelons are filled by
blacks who occupy all the prestigious jobs with high salaries
and perks. Just below are Indians or left-wing English-speaking
whites being rewarded for loyalty to the black cause. Middle and
lower management, as well as technical jobs such as accountant
or computer expert, are filled by Afrikaners who will never be
promoted beyond a certain level because of their ethnic origin.
At the most basic clerical level again, huge numbers of blacks
are employed for the simple tasks of filing, answering the phone,
or handing things over a counter.
This same pattern is being repeated
in the private sector, where hard-core intellectual and technical
skills are provided by whites paid low wages. In private business,
black managers who are appointed to fill race quotas are typically
paid 50 percent more than their white counterparts, as the number
who can hold down a job semi-functionally is so small that companies
constantly bid up their services, using head-hunters and search
agencies. These pampered black executives hop from
job to job at ever-higher salaries, while whitey makes sure the
work gets done.
Many South African blacks have
intuitively understood that whites have handy skills and abilities.
A white brain stuffed with mathematics, accounting, and organizational
skills, as well as a Teutonic work ethic, can be very useful.
Not so long ago, Mathata Tsedu, the black editor of the Sunday
Times, South Africas largest-circulation weekly, wrote:
It pains me to say this, but my African colleagues who manage
large companies or government departments tell me that to get
a job done, you usually have to employ a white.
Thabo Mbeki: Suck
the whites dry.
Few blacks ever pass science and
mathematics at school; according to official statistics, a white
high-school student is 100 times more likely to pass mathematics
at the higher grade required for university study than his black
counterpart. This is despite the extra five percent adjustment
in grades all blacks receive for studying in a supposedly second
language, English. Although they are showered with corporate scholarships
and money from foreign agencies and governments, almost no blacks
get qualifications in rigorous intellectual fields like engineering,
science, accounting and, until recently, medicine.
When bonds were still traded on
a floor in Johannesburg, 80 percent of the traders taking risks
on their own account were Afrikaner men. Probably more than half
of stockbrokers are still Afrikaners. According to one expert
on the South African software industry, as many as 80 percent
of the computer programmers are young Afrikaner men. No one else
can match them in sticking to tight deadlines, working through
nights and weekends if necessary, and finding the most creative
solutions to programming problems. Despite affirmative action,
high-tech companies still employ them. In these companies, even
among military suppliers, Afrikaans is usually the language most
likely to be spoken around the water cooler.
In at least one government department
it was found that none of the top black managers was fit for the
job. In a race-neutral environment they would be fired. However,
in South Africa blacks are never fired, even for gross incompetence,
especially in a bureaucracy. The solution was to a create a series
of new posts reserved for whites, who would report to their black
heads. The whites would essentially do the jobs of their black
bosses, except they would be at a subordinate level, a kind of
intellectual slave. They would stay in the background and not
detract from the prestige of their black masters. In the same
department, the average black academic qualification is a grade
ten, two years short of a high school diploma, while the average
white has a post-graduate degree. Management tells whites they
must get a masters or doctoral degree if they want to keep
their jobs, while they promise blacks a promotion if they manage
to get a high school equivalency diploma.
Throughout the country, highly
qualified whites often work for blacks with low qualifications
and skills. They have to correct their grammar and spelling, and
do simple calculations for them, while paying them obeisance and
responding to their every whim. Blacks have conquered, not by
the sword nor by the intellect, but by the womb, and constantly
refer to themselves as the majority.
In South Africa, property is more
and more defined as something a black person owns. A black may
own a piece of land or a business outright, whereas a white may
own it only in partnership with a black, or subject to conditions
such as black empowerment or training for blacks so they can eventually
take it over. There are many cases in which white intellectual
slaves working for the government or major corporations must train
up black replacements, after which they are fired because of their
Increasingly, whites are economic
slaves as well. They pay 80 percent of personal taxes, despite
earning only 50 percent of total salaries. Afrikaners as a group
pay the highest portion of overall tax in South Africa36
percentwhile white English-speakers pay 32 percent. When
he was in exile in Britain, Mr. Mbeki is reputed to have said,
We will suck the whites dry, and that is essentially
what is happening. South Africa is like a small, first-world economy
similar to that of Denmark or Norway, still run by whites, but
which must support a welfare state for 40 million blacks and Coloreds.
In their treatment of whites,
however, blacks suffer from an internal conflict that often produces
contradictory behavior. Rationally, they should continue their
domination, keeping white taxpayers and intellectual slaves within
the system. In practice, blacks often veer toward irrationality
by excluding whites purely on racial grounds, just as Robert Mugabe
has done in Zimbabwe by driving white farmers off the land, only
to trigger an economic and food crisis to be cleaned up by other
white people working for the UN and international aid agencies.
When the remaining white officers
in the South African army arrived back from their summer vacation
in December last year, they found themselves fired for the following
official reason: whites lack credibility in Africa, and
we sometimes have to engage in peace-keeping operations elsewhere
on the continent. Rumor has it that the South African army
is already in dire straits, with 60 percent of its black troops
suffering from AIDS. Alcoholism and indiscipline are rife. Firing
the last remaining white officers will probably lead to the complete
collapse of South Africas armed forces.
Exclusion on racial grounds is
often absolute. Liberal and left-wing whites, especially communists,
have been the staunchest allies of South African blacks. Yet after
1994, even Helena Dolny, the widow of Communist Party leader Joe
Slovo, who had dedicated her life to the black cause, was fired
and humiliated on racial grounds.
Many former liberals have simply
run away since the advent of black rule, no longer able to stand
the crime and the collapse of public institutions. One is the
widow of liberal author Alan Paton, who stated upon her departure,
Our president has called those who leave the country cowards.
I have to confess that I am now about to join the number of those
cowards who are streaming out of the country. Nadine Gordimers
daughter finds it safer to live in the south of France than in
Liberal and especially foreign
whites, such as tourists, are usually the first victims of crime,
as they lack vigilance, and trust black strangers more than they
should. Anti-white racism and crime alienate even those whites
who would otherwise serve blacks. Of course, when commentators
do refer to the vicious outbreak of violence that has characterised
the so-called new South Africa under black rule, it has mostly
been to blame apartheid for the violence, forgetting that most
of the young black perpetrators grew up under black rule.
So what are the prospects for
an Afrikaner nation? A less peace-loving, pragmatic people would
by this time surely have come out in violent revolt, if its children
were virtually banned from the most sought-after medical and law
schools, and excluded from jobs in government or major corporations
on the grounds of race and language.
I suppose the real test of a nation
is whether it can survive bad leadership and defeat. Afrikaners
today suffer a domination almost as intense as that of the Greeks
under 400 years of Turkish rule, during which Christianity and
the Greek language were banned, and people had to keep the Bible
and Greek books in secret recesses in their houses. Many people
in South Africa, notably the anglophone intellectuals with their
radical chic and admiration for everything African, have already
pronounced the Afrikaner nation dead.
Yet a people who fought wars for
two centuries, both against black tribes and the greatest empire
of the time, who produced the finest body of literature on the
African continent, a philosophy, and a highly intellectualized
Calvinist theology, and that enjoys its own cuisine, customs and
folk culture, does not one day cease to exist just because Nelson
Mandela smiles into the cameras and declares the birth of a new
nation on these shores.
Danie Theron, a hero
of the Boer War.
It is somehow hard to believe
that Thabo Mbekis African Empire will succeed where the
British Empire failed, by eradicating, as Lord Alfred Milner put
it around 1900, the last vestiges of Afrikanerism from South
Africa. The ham-fisted way the South African government
is trying to suppress the Afrikaner identity in favor of an imported
quasi-American multiculturalism mixed with warmed-over pan-Africanism,
is bound to provoke the slumbering Afrikaner spirit of resistance.
The dogged Afrikaner nationalism of the 20th century that transformed
the entire country must count as one of the most powerful movements
ever to arise in Africa. To this day, South Africa is littered
with the monuments and buildings erected during that flowering
of nationalism, of which the majestic art déco of the Voortrekker
Monument on a hill overlooking Pretoria is the most visible.
On 16 December last, the Afrikaners
commemorated their victory over the Zulus at the Battle of Blood
River in 1838known as the Day of the Covenant, but ridiculously
rechristened Reconciliation Day by the new government.
While tens of thousands of Afrikaners gathered in typical fashion
all over the country at their own expense to affirm their traditional
vow to be true to their God and their people, Mr. Mbeki and his
cohorts organized a grand gathering on the lawns of the Union
Buildings in Pretoria, spending two million dollars of taxpayer
money on free food in the hope of attracting 20,000 people. However,
only 2,000 of Mr. Mbekis followers showed up, and truck-loads
of food went to waste, while at least 5,000 Afrikaners attended
a ceremony a few kilometers away at the Voortrekker Monument.
Reflect upon it: Afrikaner patriotism
and national sentiment are derided by the media, both locally
and internationally, as right-wing racism, and their language
and identity are officially suppressed. At the same time, Mr.
Mbekis brand of multicultural, Afro-nationalism and black
pride is propagated by the state and embellished by the media
and dozens of conformist commentators. One then realises that
perhaps the weakness lies not so much with the downtrodden white
tribe of Africa whom the world sees as backward hillbillies,
but possibly with South Africas radiantly confident rulers
whose power is literally skin-deep, founded as it is on a late
20th century fashion for the color black.
And yet, despite their obvious
strengths and courage, Afrikaners suffer from several weaknesses
characteristic of Western man. Most are practising Christians,
endowed with a sense of altruism that may yet prove fatal. The
three mainstream Afrikaans churches already encourage their members
to look after AIDS babies abandoned by black mothers. Afrikaans
newspapers carry stories about the selfless devotion of adoptive
parents who are raising children of the race that is oppressing
and killing them.
As for the non-Afrikaner churches,
both the Church of England and the Catholic Church have been thoroughly
infiltrated by Africans. The Anglican Church in South Africa is
now a black church with a black archbishop who preaches white
surrender and black entitlement. Protestant churches everywhere
in the West have become hotbeds of capitulationist thinking, and
welcome Third-World immigration into even the most ancient white
In The World and the West,
Arnold Toynbee wrote that technology is, of course, only
a long Greek name for a bag of tools . . . . But all tools are
not of the material kind; there are spiritual tools as well, and
these are the most potent that Man has made. Just as communism
used to be a Western weapon in the hands of Russia, as Toynbee
remarked in the 1950s, so Christianity has become a piece of occidental
technology in the hands of todays Africans.
Another major Afrikaner weakness
is dependence on cheap labor. There have long been warnings about
this, but to no avail. At a time when race relations were more
natural, black labor was satisfactory to black and white alike.
Even today, apart from the super-rich nomenklatura connected to
the state and big business, black South Africa consists of a slave
class that would not survive without white masters.
One could do a whole linguistic
analysis of all the words in Afrikaans that have to do with master
or baas, which literally means boss. There
is oubaas, old master, an endearing term for an elderly
white person, the white patriarch who provides jobs. When a friend
visits her land holdings, the remaining blacks in the area lament
the death of the oubaas, and the good times when there
was a white provider who could train them, employ them and look
after them. Then there is kleinbaas or young master, the
son in the household, who would eventually fulfill that role and
is therefore already worthy of respect.
Not long ago, as part of the governments
meddling in land ownership, a large white farm was bought out
and turned over to more than 1,000 blacks as part of their liberation.
Soon a deputation visited one of the white agricultural unions
that usually spends its time defending its members remaining
property against spurious black land claims. The new black farmers
asked for a baas to come and tell them what to do and to
stop the infighting. I do not know if they got their baas,
but when the famous citrus farm, Zebedelia, was facing bankruptcy
after being handed over to blacks, it got a white baas.
Within a year or two, Zebedelia was again exporting oranges to
the rest of the world.
However, in most cases such racial
patronage is no longer possible, and whites cannot freely harness
the labor of blacks the way blacks harness the brains of whites.
The Orania experiment next to the Orange River in the remote Northern
Cape shows that Afrikaners do not need black labor. Foreign journalists
flock to Orania as if to some exotic zoo to see 800 white Afrikaners
living self-sufficiently and in peace, without crime and drugs,
digging their own ditches, laying their own bricks. If the Oranians
can do without servants, gardeners and the plethora of glorified
beggars who clutter our lives for a few rand a day, so can the
rest of us. Ever since the founding of Cape Town by Jan van Riebeeck
in 1652, white reluctance to do manual labour when thousands of
natives were prepared to work for a pittance has been the downfall
of any attempt to set up an autonomous and self-sufficient white
In the 1880s, President Paul Kruger
ordered that white farmers were to have no more than five black
families on their land; the law was widely ignored. By some estimates,
at that time the Boers formed an absolute majority in the two
northern republics [the Orange Free State, now Free State province,
and the Transvaal, now broken up into Gauteng, North West, and
Northern provinces], but a century of black population growth
aided by Western medicine and nutrition has reduced Afrikaners
to a tiny and oppressed minority in their own country.
And yet, even in dispossession,
the Afrikaner retains much of his traditional nature. Blacks,
as recipients of affirmative action largesse and handouts from
government and the private sector, have experienced breathtaking
social mobility never before seen in the history of black people
anywhere. The typical image of the South African black today is
sitting behind the steering wheel of a Mercedes convertible or
a BMW SUV. That is, apart from the millions who subsist in shanty
towns that the vast government housing projects never seem to
By contrast, the typical Afrikaner
probably still drives a pick-up truck. In fact, the market for
these utilitarian vehicles, called bakkies in South Africa,
is still 60 percent Afrikaans, even though Afrikaners represent
only five percent of the population. Makers of German luxury vehicles
have long forsaken Afrikaners for the new breed of well-heeled
government official or corporate mogul produced by the system
of so-called black economic empowerment.
Dr. Roodt holds degrees from
the University of the Witwatersrand and Université de Paris
VIII (Vincennes/St. Denis). He is a well-known novelist and Afrikaner
commentator who has played a leading role in what has become known
over the past four years as the Third Afrikaans Language
Struggle. Like his ancestors, he is forced to live in a
laager, a Johannesburg security village surrounded by an
electrified fence and cameras, and patrolled by armed guards.
His article will conclude in the next issue.
• BACK TO TOP • •
account of European genius.
reviewed by Samuel Francis
The Pursuit of Excellence in the Arts and Sciences
800 B.C. to 1950
2003, 688 pp. $29.95.
years after publishing The Bell Curve, one of its co-authors,
Charles Murray, has produced Human Accomplishment,
a mammoth examination of world history and the people Dr.
Murray believes are its most important intellectual figures.
His purpose is to determine who has accomplished
the most and why they did so. While his own accomplishment
is impressive in itself, some of the questions readers would
have wanted answered are not even raised.
Surprisingly and disappointingly,
Dr. Murray has little to say about the role of genetics in
determining or facilitating human accomplishment,
and virtually nothing (with one exception) to say about the
heritability of intelligence. Instead, the bulk of
his book is devoted to formulating a list of 4,002 individuals
from around the world who lived between 800 BC and 1950, who
have achieved great things. Namely, as he writes
on the first page of his introduction, They have discovered
truths about the workings of the physical world, invented
wondrous devices, combined sounds and colors in ways that
touch our deepest emotions, and arranged words in ways that
illuminate the mysteries of the human condition.
That is what he means by human
accomplishment, and he therefore excludes other, also
impressive achievements such as military victories, the building
of large fortunes, and political organization. His criteria
thus rule out people like Augustus Caesar, Napoleon, Hitler,
Genghis Khan, or John D. Rockefeller. In other words, human
accomplishment as he defines it is confined to great
things that fall in the domain of the arts and
Julius Caesar made
Dr. Murray selected his 4,002
leading figures by surveying a large series of standard biographical
and historical references (e.g., the 16 volume Harvard
Biographical Dictionary of Music, the 18-volume Dictionary
of Scientific Biography, etc.) and choosing people
in the arts and sciences who are mentioned in at least
50 percent of them. The survey also includes non-Western
culturesChina, India, Japan, and the Arab worldin
such fields as literature, the visual arts, and philosophy.
Dr. Murrays examination of science includes non-Western
as well as Western figures, at least in principle; his list
of non-Western achievers in the science categories is pretty
Obviously the whole concept
is open to predictable objections: that the selection of sources
is biased or unrepresentative or otherwise inadequate, that
the concept of accomplishment emphasizes science
at the expense of other fields of achievement, that the time
limits of 800 B.C. to 1950 A.D. also skew the results and
are also arbitrary. The early time limit excludes not only
Pharaonic Egypt and most of the ancient Mesopotamian civilizations
but also the early Chinese and Indian civilizations, while
the 1950 limit can be accused of eliminating non-whites, women,
and other fashionable victim groups that today are widely
believed to have been emancipated only in our own enlightened
decades. Predictably, these objections were the first to be
made in the reviews of Human Accomplishment, and throughout
the book (indeed, far too much so) Dr. Murray responds to
these objections and does a pretty good job of it.
You can quibble with the methods
and standards by which Dr. Murray came up with his 4,002 individuals,
and you can criticize the book for ignoring less cerebral
but arguably even more significant accomplishments such as
the defeat of Persia by the Greeks, the destruction of Carthage
by Rome in the Punic Wars, the organization of the Roman Empire
or the Catholic Church, the founding and rise to power of
such institutions as IBM, AT&T, or La Cosa Nostra, and other
non-intellectual achievements. And even if you accept the
methods and standards Dr. Murray uses, you can question the
particular accomplishments and those who made them. Does the
Marquis de Sade really belong in the inventory of Human
Accomplishment in Western literature regardless of how
many encyclopedias carry entries for him? Does Arthur Conan
Doyle? Is the invention of the steam engine, for all its world-historical
significance, on a par with the formulation of Newtons
Laws of Motion or Aristotles logic? Dr. Murray doesnt
say it is, but all are included in the human accomplishment
index, and there seem to be any number of such disparities
in accomplishment as he has defined and measured
In any case, the results of
his survey are predictable. White European men predominate,
especially in the last few centuries: from the middle
of 15C [Dr. Murrays rather contrived abbreviation for
15th century] to the beginning of 20C, almost
everything came from Europe, and, What the human
species is today it owes in astonishing degree to what was
accomplished in just half a dozen centuries by the peoples
of one small portion of the northwestern Eurasian land mass.
On page 297, Dr. Murray has a map of the European peninsula
showing where those responsible for Western accomplishments
grew up, and the region it describes is of interest.
If we ignore national
borders, he writes, and instead create the most
compact polygon that encloses 80 percent of the places where
the significant figures grew up, it forms the shape in the
figure below [see next page], with borders defined by Naples,
Marseilles, the western border of Dorset County in England,
a point a few miles above Glasgow, the northern tip of Denmark,
and a point a few miles east of the city that used to be Breslau
in German Silesia (now Wroclaw in Poland).
Napoleon did not.
This is the European
Core as Dr. Murray calls it. It is also more or less
the core area of the Nordic subrace in Europe.
Of the 4,002 important people
Dr. Murray surveys, women constitute a mere 88, and nearly
half are in literature. There are a number of non-Westerners
like Arabs, Indians, and Chinese on his list, but Africa and
the Negro race are not even a blip. No gushing about the mind-boggling
achievements of George Washington Carver here. Dr. Murray
has a brief discussion of the possible role of IQ in accounting
for why males so vastly predominate over females, though he
doesnt think its significant.
For the remainder of his book,
the co-author of The Bell Curve doesnt mention
IQ, race, or geneticsexcept with reference to one group:
Ashkenazi Jews. As he explains:
The rapid pace at which
they entered the inventories as soon as the barriers were
even partially lifted is astonishing. The period 1870-1950
saw the addition of 1,277 significant figures to the Western
inventories. If Jews had produced significant figures strictly
in accordance with their representation in the population,
about 28 of those 1,277 should have been Jewish. The actual
number was at least 158 (data on ethnicity were not available
for many of the less prominent significant figures, and some
Jews have doubtless been missed).
Dr. Murray devotes two pages
to discussing how the higher Jewish IQ may account for this
level of achievement. I have no reason to challenge his interpretation
or his attribution to Jews of a far more significant role
in human accomplishment than their numbers would suggest,
but there are questions to be raised. First, as Dr. Murray
acknowledges in a footnote, he has counted as Jewish anyone
who has one parent who was known to be Jewish; to what degree
has that definition expanded the number of Jews in his lists?
Second, why did Jews contribute almost nothing to human accomplishment
before the 19th century? We can count the Old Testament (which
has had an influence in the West because of Christianity),
a handful of secular Jewish writers of antiquity, the medieval
philosopher Moses Maimonides, the 17th century philosopher
Baruch Spinoza, and the 18th century composer Felix Mendelssohn
and his father, a prominent philosopher of the time, and a
few others, but thats about it.
Dr. Murray names only 11 Jews
in his inventories before 19C. If Jews are so
smart, why didnt they invent logic, the calculus, or
the steam engine or crank out such masterpieces as The
120 Days of Sodom or The Hound of the Baskervilles?
Dr. Murrays answer is
that they were persecuted and excluded, and no doubt thats
part of it, but a good deal of Jewish culture discouraged
innovation and scorned interaction with the gentile world,
whether it was receptive to non-Christians or not. Spinoza,
after all, was excommunicated by the Jewish community in Amsterdam
for his philosophy. In the case of some half Jews
like the writer Michel de Montaigne, whose mother was a Spanish
Sephardic Jew, he was accepted into gentile society as a practicing
Catholic. It was their adherence to their religion in an orthodox
Christian culture that both kept Jews from participation and
caused their exclusion.
Where the geniuses
It is not entirely clear why
Dr. Murray is prepared to invoke IQ in discussing Jews but
says nothing about it as an explanation for the level of accomplishment
(or non-accomplishment) by other groups. Dr. Murray in fact
resorts to a purely cultural explanation as to why the Westthe
white race from ancient Greece to modern timeshas accomplished
most of what has been worth accomplishing. In both Greek philosophy
from the time of Aristotle and in medieval Christianity, the
West embraced the belief that life has a purpose. A
major stream of human accomplishment, Dr. Murray writes,
is fostered by a culture in which the most talented
people believe that life has a purpose and that the function
of life is to fulfill that purpose. But purpose itself,
he says, is not enough; there must also be autonomy,
the belief that one is able to achieve the purpose of his
life, a belief that involves a high degree of individualism.
The non-West lacks or even rejects such beliefs.
Buddhism and Daoism (Chinese
Taoism), he says, lacked both purposiveness and autonomy.
Both [religions] taught that purposeful action in ones
life is a snare and delusion. . . . It is safe to say that
neither Buddhism nor Daoism was a religion calculated to energize
people to fulfill a purpose in this life on earth, and
individualism and autonomy were smothered by familistic
and hierarchical social and cultural constraints.
Islam insisted on a high and inexorable purpose but flunked
the autonomy test, with its insistence on an ironclad fatalism.
Arabic culture in the Middle Ages at first embraced Greek
and Western science and philosophy but later rejected them
in favor of an Islamic fundamentalism that, according to Dr.
Murray, has kept the Arabic world behind ever since. Only
in the Aristotelian Christian West was a cultural norm of
a purposive life and the autonomy to achieve it institutionalized.
Dr. Murrays argument
is plausible as far as it goes, and he is hardly the first
to make it. But he never wonders why it was only the West
that formulated and adopted philosophies, ethical systems,
and a religion that postulated purpose and autonomy. Kevin
MacDonald has argued that Western individualism itself has
genetic and racially particular roots, and if Dr. Murrays
theory about the importance of belief systems of purpose and
autonomy holds any water, the genetic and racial foundations
of such systems ought to be examined.
It is not entirely
clear why Dr. Murray is prepared to invoke IQ
in discussing Jews but says nothing about it as
an explanation for the level of accomplishment
(or non-accomplishment) by other groups.
Dr. Murray concludes Human
Accomplishment on a pessimistic note. Human accomplishment
as he has defined and measured it has been declining in both
science and the arts for the last century or so. After several
pages of considering alternative explanations for the decline,
Dr. Murray concludes, Western European culture had a
coherence in its values and institutions that did in fact
begin to come apart during 18C [the 18th century], prompted
by the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution.
The disruption of Western cultural coherence helped undermine
the belief systems of purpose and autonomy, and the intellectual
legacy of the late 19th and 20th centuries in what he calls
nihilism, the denial that life has a purpose or
that human beings can achieve it. The thought and influence
of figures like Charles Darwin, Friedrich Nietzsche, Sigmund
Freud, Albert Einstein, and Jean Paul Sartre helped finish
off what coherence remained.
Western art has
gone from this . . .
Although Dr. Murray regards
religion as essential to human accomplishment, his concept
of religion includes such things as Confucianism and Aristotelianism.
Confucianism and classical
Greek thought were both essentially secular, and look at the
cultures they produced. But both schools of thought were tantamount
to religion in that they articulated a human place in the
cosmos, laid out a clear understanding of the endthe
goodtoward which humans aim, and set exalted standards
of human behavior. And that brings me to the sense in which
I use religion stringently. Confucianism and Aristotelianism,
along with the great religions of the world, are for grownups,
requiring mature contemplation of truth, beauty, and the good.
Cultures in which the creative elites are not engaged in that
kind of mature contemplation dont produce great art.
In the end, its not
clear what Human Accomplishment really accomplishes.
Dr. Murray, by any reasonable standard, has shown that Western
white men have produced most of human civilization, but we
already knew that, and those of us who didnt will refuse
to learn it from Dr. Murray. We also know that our civilization
is in decline, and Dr. Murray has something to tell us about
why, though what he has to say is in my view incomplete. His
portrait of cultures that encourage or discourage human accomplishment
is far too over-drawn and needs a good deal more detailed
discussion of how the religious and philosophical frameworks
helped or harmed creativity, and his correlations between
them are not always at all clear. Dr. Murray should have expanded
his chapters on those themes considerably, but that would
no doubt have taken him off in directions in which he doesnt
want to go.
. . . to this.
Finally, Dr. Murrays
book is not particularly interesting to read. He spends far
too much time batting back and forth possible objections to
his arguments and explaining his statistical methodologies,
and he also has tendencies to pontificate about matters largely
irrelevant to his argument, and to lecture readers about what
should be high-school history and general science. Most of
all, however, Charles Murray is one of the relatively few
mainstream writers capable of telling the declining Western
world something important about the racial foundations of
its civilization and why that foundation is beginning to crumble.
The greatest failure of this book is that he hasnt done
Samuel Francis is a frequent
contributor to American Renaissance.
O Tempora, O Mores!
Democrats have come a long way
since the early 1990s, when Tipper Gore lobbied to have rap albums
marked with parental guidance stickers. In this years presidential
primaries, all of the Democrats courted the rap vote. Howard Dean
expressed a taste for rapper Wyclef Jeanne. In a campaign ad,
Wesley Clark proved his knowledge of hip-hop by commenting on
the future of the rap duo OutKast. Later, he quoted an OutKast
line on his campaign trail, saying the rappers make you
shake it like a Polaroid picture, whatever that means. This
group, as well as Ginuwine, Kenneth Babyface
Edmonds, and Q-tip, gave a concert at a Democratic
fundraiser attended by major Democratic figures such as William
Clinton, Albert Gore, and John Kerry.
In an interview on MTV, John Kerry
defended gangsta rap. Im fascinated by rap and by
hip-hop. I think theres a lot of poetry in it. Theres
a lot of anger, a lot of social energy in it. And I think youd
better listen to it pretty carefully, cause its important.
He did concede, however, When you start talking about killing
cops or something like that, it bothers me.
To illustrate the values the Democrats
are sanctioning, here are some lyrics from OutKast, which seems
to be the partys favorite group:
Breakin knees and
elbows like I used to break my curfew
My mama used to tell me if
a nigga ever hit me
Just to pick up the closest
thing and knock the living s**t out of he.
* * *
Well it is I, the pimp
playin nigga that you heard about
Yeah, I got the money and a
half a million dope houses
I got the hookers on the go
and playa rhymes that I f**k with.
Some rappers are trying to start
their own social and political movement. Former rapper Russell
Simmons has founded the Hip-Hop Summit Action Network, which,
according to its website, is dedicated to harnessing the
cultural relevance of hip-hop music to serve as a catalyst for
education advocacy and other societal concerns fundamental to
the well-being of at-risk youth throughout the United States.
Hip-hop commentator Davey D has edited a book called
How to Get Stupid White Men out of Power. This June will
see a National Hip Hop Political Convention in Chicago.
One of the central issues of the
hip-hop political movement is the Florida presidential vote of
2000. There has never been any proof of fraud in this election,
but it strongly colors the rap outlook. As Kaine, of the Ying
Yang Twins says, Its like Why should I vote
if it dont count, because Florida was way against
Bush. But thats where Bushs folks are at. How is it
that the only state that had to get recalculated was where Bushs
folks are at? [James McNally, Rappers Unite for Political
Power, BBC News, March 3l, 2004. Gun-Toting Outkast Rapper Featured
at Democratic Event, WorldNetDaily, March. 26, 2004. Rich Rock,
Im Fascinated by Hip-Hop, says Prez Candidate
John Kerry, SOHH.com, March 31, 2004. Chuck Creekmur, To
Vote or Not to Vote: Hip Hop Artists and Activists Weigh In, BET.com,
Jan. 28, 2004.]
On March 18, the Census Bureau
released preliminary population projections, based on the 2000
Census, predicting that by 2050, whites will make up just 50.1
percent of the population. As late as 1990, whites were 75 percent
of the population; in1960 they were 90 percent. If the census
projections turn out to be accurateand if anything, the
bureau tends to underestimateAmerica will have ceased to
be a white nation less than a century after opening the floodgates
to mass Third-World immigration with the 1965 Immigration Act
(see AR, April 2003).
Between now and mid-century, the
Census Bureau forecasts the US population will increase by no
less than 48.8 percent to 419,854,000. Of the 137,729,000 new
people, fewer than 15 million will be white. The largest gain
will be among Hispanics. The Census Bureau expects their number
nearly to triplefrom 35,662,000 in 2000 to 102,560,000,
and to make up close to a quarter of the population. The number
of Asians, currently 3.8 percent, will also triple, increasing
from 10,684,000 to 33,430,000, and will make up eight percent
of the overall 2050 population. The Census Bureau predicts a 71.3
percent increase in the black population, or an additional 25,543,000.
Blacks will therefore be14.6 percent of the population in 2050,
up from 12.7 percent in 2000.
The bureau predicts that the overall
population growth rate will begin to slow around 2030, as white
baby-boomers die off, but non-white growth rates will continue
to be strong. Between 2030 and 2040, the Hispanic population will
grow by an additional 19.9 percent; the black, by 10.8 percent;
and the Asian, by 24 percent. The white population will barely
increase at all between 2030 and 2040, and will actually decrease
(for the first time in American history) between 2040 and 2050.
Demographically speaking, by 2050, whites in America will be a
Before releasing the new projections,
the Census Bureau was officially forecasting the end of white
America at around 2060, using numbers from the 1990 Census. After
analyzing the results from 2000, they shaved off a decade. The
actual 2000 count of 281,421,906 surprised census takers, who
were expecting 275,816,000 at most. The projections based on the
1990 Census were so far off5.6 million people is the equivalent
of nearly two Chicagosbecause they did not anticipate the
immigration boom of the 1990s, during which legal immigration
averaged 700,000 to 900,000 per year, and occasionally topped
one million. Researchers estimate that anywhere from 300,000 to
500,000 illegal aliens settled in the US each year during the
Since the 1970s, immigration
has been driving US population growth. More than 30 million immigrants
have settled here since then, 90 percent of whom are non-white,
and they and their children account for more than 70 percent of
the overall population increase. It is uncontrolled Third-World
immigrationboth illegal and legalthat is condemning
whites to minority status in their own country.
Because the immigration invasion
shows no sign of slowing (President Bushs amnesty proposal
has already prompted an increase in border crossings), whites
could well become a minority even earlier than 2050. As we have
seen, the actual census count in 2000 exceeded the highest projection
based on the 1990 censusand that was only a ten year forecast.
The only certainly is that we are facing a non-white tidal wave.
Ten years from now, barring a dramatic reversal in immigration,
the Census Bureau could be issuing a press release announcing
that projections based on the 2010 census show whites becoming
a majority sometime around 2040if not sooner. [Mike Bergman,
Diversity, Slower Growth, Census Bureau Press Release, March 18,
During an exchange in an English
class at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC)
last February, a student told his instructor he opposed homosexuality.
The next day, the instructor, Elyse Crystall, sent email to all
the students in the class, saying, What we heard Thursday
at the end of class constitutes hate speech and is
completely unacceptable. It has created a hostile environment.
She referred to the student by name, calling him a white,
heterosexual, Christian male, who can feel entitled
to make violent, heterosexist comments and not feel marked or
threatened or vulnerable. The following Monday, Miss Crystal
apologized to the class with a second email message, writing that
her earlier message had crossed a line and inhibited free
UNC: keeping an eye
heterosexual, Christian males.
In March, the US Department of
Educations Office for Civil Rights told UNC it was launching
an investigation to determine if Miss Crystall were guilty of
harassing the student, and whether the university reacted appropriately.
The feds will also be checking to see if harassment of conservative
students who express their views is common on the UNC campus,
which claims to uphold principles of intellectual independence
. . . free speech and expression. [Feds Investigate Hate
Speech Incident at UNC-Chapel Hill, AP, March 27, 2004.]
Rep. Tom Tancredo (R-Colorado)
has introduced the Recognizing the Importance of Western
Civilization Resolution in the House of Representatives,
to combat the anti-Western bias of schools. He recently delivered
a long speech to Congress in which he described the bias in school
textbooks. One now in use in an Arizona district is called 500
Years of Chicano History in Pictures and was, in the authors
words, written in response to the bicentennial celebration
of the 1776 American Revolution and its lies. Its purpose
is to celebrate our resistance to American colonization.
Chapter headings include U.S. Conquest and Betrayal,
We Are Now a U.S. Colony in America, and They
Stole the Land. The book also calls Davey Crockett a cannibal,
and describes the defenders of the Alamo as slave owners and Indian
New Jerseys 2002 guidelines
for teaching history in the public schools contained no mention
of the Founding Fathers, the Pilgrims, or the Mayflower. The first
five pages of the section on World War II in a textbook used by
Palm Beach County are exclusively about such fashionable topics
as sex roles in the armed forces, racial segregation and the war,
women and the war effort, and the relocation camps for Japanese
(AR, January 2002).
A popular textbook published by
McDougal Littell says US soldiers killed women and children at
the battle of Sand Creek, but fails to mention that Indians killed
white women and children the summer before the battle. This book
contains a 107-line discussion of the relocation of the Japanese,
but never mentions the Bataan death march. It contrasts Mao Tse
Tungs benevolence towards peasants favorably with Chiang
Kai-Sheks treatment of them; the death of 65 million Chinese
after Mao came to power is unrecorded. It calls the immigration
reformers of the 1920s racists, as it does all others who oppose
Holt Rinehart Winstons American
Nation in the Modern Era contains exercises for students to
criticize, but never to defend 19th century immigration restrictions.
Such radical multiculturalist philosophy is, Mr. Tancredo
states, the norm. [Tom Tancredo, Rewriting American
History, Speech to House of Representatives, March 3, 2004.]
On Satuday, March 20, a black
weekend radio DJ, Raqiyah Mays, told her audience she opposed
interracial dating. The following Monday, her bosses at New Yorks
WWPR-FM fired her because of inappropriate remarks.
They said the station got complaints from listeners who
were displeased and felt alienated as a result of her actions.
Miss Mays says she is shocked.
I said I was concerned about interracial relationships when
the African-American community has our own inner work and healing
to do. If I see a white woman dating an African-American man,
I feel, as do many African-American women, that there is one less
black man available to us. I wasnt speaking against anybody,
she explains, I was just being honest. . . . I am being
censored not for sexual indecency, but racial indecency.
[David Hinckley, DJ Fired for Race Remark, New York Daily News,
March 23, 2004.]
New York City pays high school
chemistry teacher Elihu McMahon $77,000 a year to do nothing.
Because of his history of insubordination, incompetent teaching,
improper grading, sexual harassment, and racist remarks to students,
administrators wont let the 69-year-old black man near a
classroom, but union rules make it nearly impossible to fire him.
During the past 15 years, the city has paid $600,000 for his non-services.
[Chuck Shepherd, He Gets a Buck for Doing a Nothing Job, News
of the Weird (Syndicated Feature), Minneapolis Star Tribune, March
18, 2004, p. E7.]
Wages of Altruism
Mexicans often cross the border
into the United States to get free, high-quality medical care
unavailable in Mexico. Sometimes the cost to us is considerably
greater than the cost of treatment. On March 21, a medical helicopter
crashed en route to a hospital in Lubbock, Texas, killing the
pilot, a paramedic, the three-month-old patient, and his mother,
Ana Lillia Urias. Mrs. Urias had brought her baby across the border
for treatment. [Medical Helicopter Crash Kills 4 in Texas, USA
Today, March 22, 2004, p. 3A.]
Many of Britains top landowners,
celebrities, and children of establishment figures are reportedly
disillusioned with Christianity and are converting to Islam. According
to a study by Yahya (formerly Jonathan) Birt, the son of Lord
Birt, former director-general of the BBC, more than 14,000 mostly
elite white Britons have converted.
Herbert Asquith on
of Time, October 1923.
Many British converts have been
inspired by the writings of Charles Le Gai Eaton, a former diplomat
and author of Islam and the Destiny of Man, who says, I
have received letters from people who are put off by the wishy-washy
standards of contemporary Christianity and they are looking for
a religion which does not compromise too much with the modern
world. Were all the rage, says Emma Clark,
the great-granddaughter of former British prime minister Herbert
Asquith. I hope its not a passing fashion. Miss
Clark recently helped design an Islamic garden for
Prince Charles at his Highgrove estate in Gloucestershire.
Yahya Birt says it was the
overall profundity, balance and coherence and spirituality of
the Muslim way of life which convinced me [to convert].
He hopes an inspirational figure like Malcolm X will emerge in
Britain and encourage mass conversion of whites. You need
great transitional figures to translate something alien (like
Islam) into the vernacular, he explains. [Thousands of British
Elite Embrace Islam, Al-Jazeerah News, March 12, 2004.]
A black Portland, Oregon artist
named damali ayo (she prefers all lower-case, like black author
bell hooks) has put up a satirical website (rent-a-negro.com)
offering to rent blacks to people who need diversity for career
or leisure. As she explains:
As we all know, the purchase
of African Americans was outlawed many years ago. As times have
changed the need for black people in your life has changed but
not diminished. The presence of black people in your life can
advance business and social reputation. These days those who claim
black friends and colleagues are on the cutting edge of social
and political trends. As our country strives to incorporate the
faces of African Americans, you have to keep up. Rent-a-negro
offers you the chance to capitalize on your connection with a
The rate for a Negro is a steep
$350 per hour for businesses and $200 for individuals, and the
renter must pay extra to hear a Negro opinion, to touch the Negros
hair, or to call the Negro sista or girlfriend.
The website quotes satisfied customers: After seeing me
with her, people wanted to know more about ME! Ive
never gotten so much attention! I introduced her to
my motherfamily conversations havent been boring since!
Most visitors to the site get the joke, but Miss ayo says she
has had dozens of serious requests. [Negroes for Rent, Journal
of Blacks in Higher Education, Summer 2003.]
Of all the strange people to wash
up on American shores, Russian Koreans are among the strangest.
Thousands of Koreans left their homeland for the Russian Far East
in the latter half of the 19th century to escape famine
and Japanese imperialism. In the 1930s Stalin sent them to what
is now Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan in Central Asia on the suspicion
that they might spy for Japan. After Uzbeks and Kazakhs gained
independence, they started discriminating against the uninvited
Koreans, so the US let in many as refugees. They speak Russian
rather than Korean, do not practice Korean customs, and often
have strange, hybrid names like Lubov Nyu and Irina
Tyan, so they find themselves isolated from their co-ethnics
in California, where they have settled. Theres a strong
strand of hyper-nationalism among Korean Americans, says
John Lie, a professor of Korean studies, so it is naturally difficult
for non-standard Koreans to find acceptance.
Russian-Korean Elsa Rafikova,
née Choi, is determined to make America a more welcoming
place for non-standard Koreans, and has established a church for
them in Los Angeles. I am trying to build a Russian-Korean-American
community, she says. I want to unite our people.
In order to gain the friendship of her co-ethnics, Mrs. Rafikova
has learned Korean, which she speaks with a Russian accent. [Ann
M. Simmons, Minority Within a Minority, Los Angeles Times, Dec.
Edwin Rubenstein, an economic
consultant in Indianapolis, has come up with a novel solution
to the illegal immigration problem. Noting that economists have
long held that you get more of what you subsidize and less of
what you tax, he suggests taxing illegal aliensor at least
the remittances they send home. There were $32 billion in remittances
to Latin America in 2002, a third of which went to Mexico. Six
million Hispanics regularly send money home, using banks and wire
service companies, resulting in at least 70 million such transactions
a year. Taxing them could be as simple as collecting a sales tax.
The money collected could then be used to offset the cost of providing
medical services and education to illegals and their children.
But more importantly, a tax on remittances would discourage immigrants.
As Mr. Rubenstein says, Tax them and they will go away.
[Edwin S. Rubenstein, A Supply-Side Solution For Illegal Immigration,
VDare.com, Jan.26, 2004.]
In 1995, an assistant registrar
at Southern University, the nations largest black college,
started taking bribes from students who wanted better grades.
For $75 a grade, he would change the computer records and improve
transcripts. More than 540 current and former students, both graduate
and undergraduate, appear to have availed themselves of his services.
Some students paid to have as many as 20 grades changed, and may
lose their degrees. [Adam Nossiter, Southern U. Charges 541 Students
in Grades Scandal, AP, April 1, 2004.]
from the Congo
There is confused and cruel fighting
on Congos lawless northeastern region, but the main conflict
is between the Hema, tall herdsmen similar to the Tutsis of Rwanda,
and the shorter Lendu. The Hema took over the plantations the
Belgians left behind when they fled in 1960, while the Lendu are
subsistence farmers who originally occupied the land. For some
time, rumors of atrocitiesespecially of cannibalismhave
trickled back to civilization, and there have now been enough
reports to leave little doubt that some Congolese are eating each
other (See AR, March 2003, July 2003, Dec. 2003).
Petronille Vaweka, president of
the Special Assembly in nearby Ituri province, believes both tribes
use cannibalism as a psychological weapon to terrify their enemies.
You cant hide it, the Lendu kill. So do the Hema,
but they kill in secret. Now in this war, [stimulated] with drugs,
they cook people and eat them. No one can lieboth sides
have eaten each other, she says.
Congo fighers: whats
going into the pot?
Most of the accounts appear to
be from Hemas, who claim to have suffered at the hands of Lendu.
Vivienne Nyamutale says that while the Lendu held her captive,
she saw them cooking and eating people. She also says they set
up camps where they held Hema women for systematic rape.
Chantal Tsesi, also a Hema, tells
of waking up to the sound of gunfire as Lendu tribesmen burst
into her house in August 2002. They cut of my arm. They
cooked it while they were drinking our mandro [homemade
beer], and ate it with the rest of the beans and rice, she
says. They told me they were going to find my husband and
eat his heart. She spent four months in a hospital recovering
from her amputation, but says that later, armed Lendu went from
bed to bed, killing the patients. Her husband, who managed to
avoid being eaten, left her because he could not get much work
out of a one-armed wife.
Mrs. Tsesis mother, Eliza
Dzda, says Lendu attacked her home, where she lived with
her other daughter Georgette, and her four children. The Lendu
killed her family, and then tore down a shed to get wood for a
fire. They took our food and cooked pieces of Georgette
and the children, she says.
The most famous claim of cannibalism
is that of Amuzati Nzoli, a Congolese pygmy, whose report was
the first to get worldwide attention. He is now something of a
celebrity, and has left the forest for the capital Kinshasa. There
he finds comfort in the arms of local prostitutes, whom he calls
his girlfriends, and runs a brisk trade, demanding
gifts from reporters in exchange for telling his story. He used
to claim that after armed men attacked his village in the fall
of 2002, he watched from the bushes while they cooked and ate
his family. They even sprinkled salt on the flesh as they
ate, as if cannibalism was all very natural to them, he
said at the time. Now, he says only that he saw his family butchered.
They were cutting them the way they cut meat, he recalls,
but says he did not stay for the meal. [Eliza Griswold, The Truth
Behind the Cannibals of Congo, The Independent (London), March
of the Aged
Interracial marriage was still
illegal in more than a dozen states, including Virginia and North
Carolina, when the US Supreme Court unanimously declared anti-miscegenation
laws unconstitutional in its 1967 decision, Loving v. Virginia.
Richard P. Loving, a Virginia white man, married a black woman
in Washington, DC, in 1958. When the couple returned to Virginia,
state authorities charged them with interracial marriage. They
were tried, convicted, and sentenced to a year in prison. The
presiding judge suspended the sentence on condition that the Lovings
leave the state. They moved back to DC, and eventually filed the
suit challenging the constitutionality of the law.
North Carolinas 1855 law
banning interracial marriages read as follows: All marriages,
since the eighth day of January, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine,
and all marriages in the future, between a white person and a
free negro, or free person of color, to the third generation,
shall be void.
A revised law banning interracial
marriage was still on the books in North Carolina as late as 1976;
one state legislator said they had kept it as a sentimental
gesture. It read: All marriages between a white person
and a negro or between a white person and person of negro descent
to the third generation, inclusive, or between a Cherokee Indian
of Robeson County and a negro, or between a Cherokee Indian of
Robeson County and a person of negro descent to the third generation,
inclusive . . . shall be void. [To the third generation,
inclusive sounds as though one black grandparent disqualified
someone from marriage but that one black great-grandparent did
not. We invite informed readers to shed light on this question.Ed.]
It appears that later legislators thought mixing with blacks was
bad for Indians, too. In 1977 the North Carolina legislature officially
lifted the ban, and validated all marriages voided by earlier
state laws and court rulings.
In the years since Loving,
Americanswhites in particularhave softened toward
miscegenation. As late as 1983, only 43 percent approved of black-white
intermarriage, and for whites the figure was a low 38 percent.
Blacks, at 71 percent, were far more liberal. By 1997, white acceptance
of miscegenation had risen to 61 percent, and that of blacks to
77 percent. The national figure was 64 percent, but no fewer than
83 percent of young people, aged 13 to 17, approved of interracial
marriage. A 2002 survey found that the overall approval rate remained
much the same, at 65 percent. Older people, who are likely to
be grandparents, are the least likely, at 30 percent, to be keen
on interracial marriage. Among 50- to 64-year olds, 53 percent
approved, while three fourths of 30- to 49-year-olds and 86 percent
of 18- to 29-year-olds did not object to miscegenation. [Kelly
Starling-Lyons and Brooke Cain, Laws on Interracial Marriage,
News and Observer (Raleigh), Jan 13, 2004, p. 3E.]
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| L E T T E R S
F R O M R E A D E R S
SirI have just finished
reading Thomas Jacksons review of the Sarich & Miele book,
Race: The Reality of Human Differences, in the April
AR. You may also want to review a parallel book: Spencer Wellss
The Journey of Man: A Genetic Odyssey (Princeton University
Press, 2002). Mr. Wellss findings complement those of Prof.
Sarich and Mr. Miele. He studied DNA markers from the Y-chromosome
and from mitochondrial DNA, which do not re-combine during sexual
reproduction, and allow a calculation of when lineages separated.
He concluded that there have been at least 2,000 generations since
races differentiated. At 20 years per generation, this adds up
to at least 40,000 years, a figure quite close to that cited by
Prof. Sarich and Mr. Miele. Two thousand generations are easily
enough for behavioral differences to become established.
For example, basic psychology
textbooks cite R. C. Tryons 1940 study on maze running in
rats. By inbreeding both the good maze runners and the poor maze
runners, in just 20 generations Prof. Tryon ended up with populations
that had no overlap in their ability to figure out mazes.
The worst of the best were better than the best of the worst.
Forty years ago, Jerry Hirsch of the University of Illinois achieved
the same differentiation in flies, in terms of their biases for
flying up rather than down when going through a maze. As Sarich
& Miele note, dog breeds show huge behavioral differences but
hardly any detectable genetic differences. A few dog breeds probably
began to differentiate with the rise of herding and agriculture
approximately 15,000 years ago, but most current breeds are much
Racial separation for 2,000 generations
is a firmly-established time frame for the evolution of racial
differences in behavior, and certainly shifts the burden of proof
onto those who claim these differences are due exclusively to
environment. However, Mr. Wells is very circumspect about race;
the only differences he discusses are in the frequency of certain
Wade C. Mackey, Spring, Tex.
SirId like to comment
on the Thomas Jackson review of the Sarich and Miele book. I have
read the book myself, and was not as impressed as was Mr. Jackson.
First, even though the authors do make several good points in
support of the concept of race, they leave out many crucial arguments
that have been made in AR. Considering that the authors found
room to discuss, in depth, the Coon-Montagu feud, as well as the
sexual preferences of Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict, the omission
of important data is unfortunate.
Second, and much more important,
Mr. Jackson overstates the level of fairness in the last section
of the Sarich-Miele book. The only place the authors discuss the
pros of ethnostates is briefly in a chart that compares
this option to meritocracy and to race quotas. The
main text of the book does not directly address the ethnostate
option at all. The authors provide a rambling commentary on the
emergence of ethnopolitics, but the concept of ethnostates
is one theyd rather not delve into. Also, the authors
embrace of an aracial, individualistic global meritocracy
is so pronounced they seem not even to notice what they are saying.
For example, they begin by stating that such a meritocracy would
be a positive-sum game that would benefit all groups.
On the very next page, they admit that in such a scenario immigration
may well result in the extinction of European-derived peoples,
while leaving all other groups intact.
Indeed, it is frightening that
such unthinking racial masochism can be found in a book written
by two white men, which has as its major premise the idea that
race is real and important. Can we wonder that non-whites and
race-deniers are even more extreme in their complete disregard
for the legitimate desires of some whites for their own racial
Ted Sallis, Tampa, Fla.
SirIn his article on the
American Cause conference in the April issue, Jared Taylor wondered
whether there was much anti-immigrant feeling among Hispanics.
I work with a number of Puerto Ricans; I can attest that there
is, and it is very strong. In fact one of my coworkers wrote the
following letter, which appeared in the Feb. 12 issue of the Newark
Howard Berkeley, Millburn, N.J.
As a proud American of Puerto
Rican background, I am outraged by the media inference that we
support illegal immigrants. In fact, we suffer like other citizens,
for in addition to crime, disease, terrorism and declining economic
opportunity, our beautiful little island is being overwhelmed
by hordes of lawbreakers pouring across the Mona Passage from
the Dominican Republic.
Equating the inhabitants of
a territory that has been under our flag almost as long as Hawaii
with lawless immigrants is unfair and hurtful.
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