No Child Left Behind
Bushs new program is doomed to failure.
by Ian Jobling
2001, Congress passed the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB), the
Bush administrations ambitious public education law. Its
main goal is to close the student achievement gap between whites,
blacks, and Hispanics, and will reward schools that narrow it
and punish those that do not. The White House is convinced that
if no other administration could close the gap, it was because
no one understood the power of accountability programs and charter
This is a goal that cannot be achieved
and reflects a staggering lack of realism. The main result of
the law will be more fraud in the education system. Schools already
cook the books to make their students look better, and the punishments
President Bush has in mind will only give them more reasons to
cheat. On the other hand, when this attempt to eliminate the racial
gap inevitably fails, it will open more eyes to the reality of
All on their way to
All Must be Proficient
NCLB requires that all students
who are not officially learning disabled be proficient
in reading and math by the end of the 2013-14 school year, and
that schools show adequate yearly progress towards
that goal in the meantime. Proficiency will be defined
by the states which must come up with high-quality tests
for it. By the 2005-6 school year, all schools must test students
in reading and math every year in grades three to eight, and at
least once during grades ten through twelve. Schools must also
develop plans to reduce dropout rates, and show they are sticking
The law also sets qualification
requirements for teachers, and requires that schools cut down
on crime and violence. It is supposed to help them prevent and
prosecute crime by improving communication between schools and
police, but it also punishes schools classified as persistently
The act massively increases education
spending. Since it was passed in 2001, federal grants to schools
have increased 28 percent, from $28 billion to $35.8 billion.
Much of the money is for teacher recruitment and training, reading
instruction, and special education, but a whopping $11.7 billion
now goes to Title One schools, that is, schools that
get extra money because their students are poor. This is an increase
of 33 percent over 2001, and was required by No Child Left Behind.
Poverty is so rewarding it has become the fashion: No fewer than
58 percent of public schools now get Title One money. The program
has increased more under Mr. Bush than during the entire eight
years of the Clinton administration.
But NCLB can take as well as give.
If a Title One school fails to make enough progress for two straight
years, the school district must let its students go to other,
better schools. If the school still fails to improve, the district
must start replacing staff and perhaps even reopen it as a charter
school. (A charter school is relatively free from the education
bureaucracy: Principals can hire non-union teachers, and have
more say in curriculum and budgeting than other principals.) The
law rewards schools that meet federal standards by giving them
In order to spur schools to close
the racial gap, the law judges a schools performance not
by the overall student average, but by the performances of blacks,
whites, Hispanics, and Asians, as well as poor students, the limited
English proficient, and so forth. Therefore, if all the
students in the school make adequate progress except for blacks,
the school still fails to meet federal standards. There will be
lower standards for low-performing groups until 2014, but in that
year every single student of every group (except for the learning
disabled) must achieve proficiency.
When this attempt
to eliminate the racial gap inevitably fails, it will
open more eyes to the reality of racial differences.
Teachers and journalists have attacked
the act for its delusional optimism, and rightly so. The most
widely-used test for measuring performance is the National Assessment
of Educational Progress exam (NAEP). In 2002, only 36 percent
of 12th graders were proficient or better on the NAEP
reading test. That was 42 percent of whites, 16 percent of blacks,
and 22 percent of Hispanics. In 2000, the latest available year
for math scores, only 17 percent of 12th graders were proficient:
20 percent of whites, but only three percent of blacks, and four
percent of Hispanics. It is inconceivable that every student in
America will be proficient in math and reading by
Some people argue that the NAEP
score of proficient is a very high standard, and proficiency
will end up closer to the NAEP score of basic. Even
this more modest goal is impossible. In 2002, 79 percent of white
12th graders, but only 54 percent of blacks, and 61 percent of
Hispanics met this standard in reading. In math, 74 percent of
white, but only 44 percent of Hispanic, and 31 percent of black
students were basic or better. Therefore, even if
the standard is equivalent to NAEP basic, blacks and
Hispanics will have to make tremendous progress.
Some states have already adopted
the NCLB system of evaluating each racial group separately rather
than grading a school on average performance of all students.
The result is a huge increase in failing schools,
and is a taste of what is to come. In Florida, for example, no
fewer than 87 percent of schools failed to make adequate
yearly progress last year; for South Carolina, New Jersey,
and Delaware, the figures were 77 percent, 58 percent, and 57
percent. In California, 800 schools flunked the states evaluation,
but when all racial groups were evaluated separately the way NCLB
requires, 3,000 schools failed.
NCLB has other crazy requirements.
It will, for example, be impossible for schools to be fully staffed
with highly qualified teachersby federal standardsby
the 2005 school year. Only 63 percent of math teachers nationwide
now meet the standard. Also, students in failing schools
are supposed to be able to transfer to better ones, but this policy
wont work because the good schools are full. In 2003, 19,000
Chicago students asked to transfer, but there were places for
only 1,000 of them.
Of course, schools can be expanded
and teachers can be qualified. It is the goal of closing the racial
gap that is fantastic. Always, everywhere, whites and Asians outscore
blacks and Hispanics. To require schools to close the gap is to
encourage them to lie.
This gap is large and persistent.
In fact, test results show that by the time they finish high school,
minorities (unless otherwise specified, this means blacks and
Hispanics) are approximately four academic years behind whites.
Their achievement test scores in 12th grade are, at best, about
equal to those of whites in the 8th grade, and sometimes dramatically
lower. The graph below this paragraph, taken from No Excuses
by Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom (see sidebar, page 6) deserves
careful study. Please note that the racial comparisons are not
of children in the same grade, but of 8th grade whites and Asians
and 12th grade blacks and Hispanics. It shows that an employer
who hires a black or Hispanic with a high school diploma will,
on average, get the intellectual equivalent of a white 14-year-old.
Things are actually even worse. Only slightly more than half of
blacks and Hispanics even graduate from high school, as opposed
to 72 percent of whites, so the dropouts are even more miserably
The gap is not closing. The graphs
on the next page, also taken from the Thernstroms informative
book, show where the average score of black and Hispanic 17-year-olds
fell in the white percentile distribution between 1975 and 1999
on NAEP tests of reading and science. Thus, if the black score
is 25, it means 75 percent of whites scored better than the average
black. The science scores are particularly dismal. In 1999, 90
percent of white 17-year-olds scored higher than the average black,
and 78 percent scored higher than the average Hispanic. In the
past 29 years, neither minority group has ever scored higher than
the 30th percentile of the white distribution in reading, math
or science. Between 1975 and 1990, blacks and Hispanics narrowed
the gap with whites on the reading test, but it has widened since
then. In math and science, the racial gap has scarcely changed
at all since 1975
Scores on the Scholastic Achievement
Test (SAT) show the same pattern. In 1976, there was a 240-point
gap between black and white combined scores, and the difference
narrowed to 189 points in 1988. Since then, the gap has grown
larger again, reaching 206 points in 2003. The gap between whites
and Hispanics has changed in the same way. In 1976, there was
a 163-point gap between whites and Mexicans, which narrowed to
124 points in 1990, and is now back to 158. The scores of other
Hispanic groups show the same pattern.
Liberals and conservatives have
different explanations for the gap. Liberals blame poverty, racism,
and school funding. Conservatives blame bad teaching, school bureaucracy,
and minority culture. The classic liberal statement
was Jonathan Kozols 1991 best-seller, Savage Inequalities.
Mr. Kozol argued that considerably less money was spent per capita
on minority than on white students and that minority schools were
therefore squalid and overcrowded. He examined a few inner-city
schools and compared them to better schools in rich suburbs, but
did not try to prove his examples were typical by looking at large-scale
studies. He believed money would eliminate the performance gap.
No Excuses decisively refutes
Mr. Kozol. The Thernstroms look at average spending on minority
and white students in the period Mr. Kozol covered1989 to
1990and find there were only negligible differences in per-student
spending by race. Since then, the trend has been towards almost
complete equality in spending on whites and minorities. This reflects
deliberate transfer of money from white taxpayers to minority
The racial gap . .
The Thernstroms also make short
work of another savage inequality, class size. At
the time Mr. Kozol was writing, class sizes were actually smaller
at mostly-minority than at mostly-white schools. The average across
the board was 17.7 in 1992, in the range educators call ideal.
Since then, average class size has dropped to 15.1. The Thernstroms
acknowledge that some high-minority schools are squalid, but blame
this on negligent school employees and destructive students rather
than on lack of funding.
The Thernstroms are rightly skeptical
of any claim that more money will close the racial gap or produce
any other real improvement. They note that per-pupil spending
has nearly doubled in real terms between 1970 and 2000, but performance
has stayed flat. They also give an extreme example of spending
on minorities that led nowhere. In 1985, a federal judge ordered
Kansas City to upgrade its schools to attract more white students
to the 75-percent-black system, and raise abysmal test scores.
Over the next 15 years, the city raised property taxes, and spent
$2 billion on schools. Central High School got an Olympic-size
pool with six diving boards, a classical Greek theater, an eight-lane
indoor track, a gym stocked with professional equipment, a planetarium,
a recording studio, and a 100-acre farm. It got a world-class
Russian fencing coach, and enough violin teachers to give private
lessons to a whole elementary school. All this did no good. In
2000, Kansas City schools were no more racially integrated than
before, and test scores were as bad as ever (see AR, Dec. 1995,
for a detailed account).
Shaker Heights, a wealthy Cleveland
suburb that serves many children of educated black parents, has
tried for years to narrow the race gap. It spends 50 percent more
money on each student than the national average, but black high
school students still lag far behind whites: They are about four
times more likely to fail state proficiency tests and less than
a tenth as likely to pass those tests with honors. Shaker Heights
may have worked harder for equal results than any other school
district but still has almost nothing to show for it.
The racial gap starts even before
students get to school, so it is hard to blame free-floating school
racism. Black preschoolers score considerably lower
on ability tests than white preschoolers. Differences in social
class or parents education do not explain the gap either.
Indeed, the performance gap between the children of black and
white college-educated parents is even greater than the average
Nor can racism explain
why Asian students perform as well or better than whites. It is
likewise worth noting that, as the graphs on pages three and four
show, Hispanics almost invariably outscore blacks, even in reading,
despite the fact that immigrants often speak poor English. This
is very hard to explain in terms of racism, poverty,
. . . will not go away.
The failure of the liberal explanation
suggests the gap reflects innate racial differences, but conventional
conservatives like the Thernstroms claim the problem
is cultural. They blame the misbehavior of minority
students, the lack of an atmosphere of learning at home, and minority
teachers who promote ethnic separatism. These things probably
contribute to the gap, but conservatives refuse to consider the
possibility that these things themselves may be innate.
Behavior differences make it hard
for blacks to learn. Black kindergartners are less persistent,
less eager to learn, and less able to pay attention than white
kindergartners, and these differences continue through high school.
Blacks are 21/2 times more likely than whites to be suspended
from school, and students in high-minority schools are sixteen
times more likely to be robbed than students in largely-white
schools. One teacher at a heavily non-white school said her job
was nine-tenths policeman, one-tenth educational.
Minority households are different
from white households. Minority parents spend much less time reading
to children or teaching them the alphabet and numbers. Nearly
half of black fourth graders spend five or more hours watching
television or videos on a typical school day. Fewer than 20 percent
of white fourth graders watch that much.
Needless to say, none of these arguments
in any way refutes the view that the racial problem is genetic.
What the Thernstroms describe is to be expected from low-IQ people
who do not plan for the future. The behavior and environment of
minorities are not some unfortunate accident that somehow manages
to befall them wherever they go. It reflects who they are. The
Thernstroms, for example, point out the disadvantages for minority
children of the large number of single parentsas if blacks
and Hispanics were just plain unlucky to be having so many illegitimate
The Thernstroms research suggests
minority students are doubly disadvantaged by the effects of innate
racial differences, because minority teachers gravitate towards
minority schools. Teachers who do well on tests teach better,
and there are large race differences in scores on teaching exams.
Although the passing grades are often called ridiculously
low, serving only to screen out illiterates, more than 30
percent of black and Hispanic teachers fail them, as opposed to
fewer than 10 percent of whites. Low-IQ minority students have
trouble learning; low-IQ teachers have trouble teaching.
Schools often encourage minorities
to see themselves as ethnically separate, and stress white racism
to encourage feelings of grievance. Some minority schools promote
outright black and Hispanic nationalism. This may or may not affect
grades, but the Thernstroms are convinced racial nationalism keeps
non-whites at the margins of society, and lowers their performance.
There actually are a few reasons
for the race gap that cannot be blamed on racial differences.
The National Education Association (NEA), the main teachers
union, has made it virtually impossible to fire incompetent teachers,
and has opposed accountability programs, charter schools, and
school vouchers, all of which tend to improve schools. The burden
of the NEAs obstruction to change falls mainly on minority
students, who are less able to afford private schools not under
the NEAs control.
Conservatives are enthusiastic about
charter schools. Indeed, faith in charter schools is at the foundation
of NCLB, which gives districts the option of reopening bad schools
as charter schools. The Thernstroms write glowing profiles of
several charter schools, and offer evidence that they improve
performance. These schools do this by working students extremely
hard, instilling respect for authority, and severely punishing
misbehavior. They also add many more hours of instruction: For
example, the school day at Amistad Academy in New Haven, Connecticut,
runs from 7:45 a.m. to 5:00 p.m. The school year is two weeks
longer than normal, and students can attend summer school.
But do charter schools close the
racial gap? For most of them, the Thernstroms do not give enough
test data for a clear answer, but the students at Amistad Academy,
which is 66 percent black and 33 Hispanic, scored at about the
state average in 2001. This is very good for minorities in a state
that is still 78 percent white, and is certainly evidence that
intensive teaching improves performance. The crucial question,
of course, is how well whites would do in an equally intensive
Secretary of Education:
fraud is rewarded.
Furthermore, the minorities at Amistad
Academy and the other charter schools that so impress the Thernstroms
are not random samples. The schools do not have admissions tests,
but they require a firm commitment to education from students
families. Parents must promise to encourage learning at home,
and agree to a long school day. Minority parents who go to the
trouble to find out about charter schools, talk to school officials,
and abide by school rules are not average. Moreover, students
who break academy rules are expelled, and this weeds out the worst.
Good results from charter schools
are encouraging, but they are not proofthey are not even
very strong evidencethat the racial gap can be closed. Instead,
they suggest that white students are poorly served by public schools,
and that if minority students do well in charter schools, whites
would probably do even better.
For years, the evidence has shown
that all students benefit from intensive education, but that smart
children benefit even more than dull children. The average performance
rises, but the gap between the best and worst grows wider. The
only way to eliminate the racial gap would be to teach nothing
at all and leave our children all equally ignorant.
NCLB sets up so many impossible
expectations that only liars will prosper. Previous federal and
state-level accountability programs have already prompted schools
to disguise failure, particularly that of minorities, and NCLBs
requirements will only make things worse.
Rod Paige, Secretary of Education,
is an instructive example. From 1994 to 2001, he was superintendent
of schools in Houston, where high test scores for poor Hispanics
and low dropout rates were the envy of the nation. Mr. Paige got
his current job on the strength of his supposedly stellar performance,
and the accountability program he used to perform these miracles
became the model for NCLB.
It has since become clear that much
of the success was a fraud. Robert Kimball, assistant principal
at Sharpstown High School in Houston, discovered that although
his mostly-Hispanic high school had a freshman class of 1,000
that dropped to fewer than 300 by graduation, the school was on
record as not having had a single dropout. Nor was this an anomaly.
A state audit found there were 2,300 more unreported dropouts
in the district. Fourteen schools that had the highest performance
rating were busted to the lowest rating on the basis of their
actual dropout rates.
States may even
have to cut spending on white students to fund the
required increases for non-whites.
There were other tricks. In order
to improve average scores on the state math test given in the
10th grade, many schools held weak 9th graders back a year so
that only good students took the exam. After two years in the
9th grade, they moved straight to the 11th grade, bypassing the
exam. Houston principals cheated because the district gave them
bonuses for good reports and fired them for bad ones. As Mr. Kimball
noted, The principals who survive are the yes men.
NCLB encourages the same kind of dishonesty
Either Mr. Paige knew what was going
on and was a fraud, or didnt know and was incompetent. In
either case, he is the kind that succeeds under the current racial
orthodoxy, and it was his system that was the model for NCLB.
For months, Mr. Paige refused to comment on the revelations, and
now dismisses them as inflammatory and unfair
attacks by political enemies. He is already claiming great success
Dishonesty has cropped up all over
the country in the wake of accountability programs. South Carolina
reported 2001 graduation rates of 87 percent; on closer inspection,
it turned out to be 57 percent. California claimed a rate of 87
percent when it was really 70 percent. Indiana reported a graduation
rate of 90 percent that was actually 74 percent.
One reason for high dropout rates
is that schools push out weak students so they can raise test
scores and comply with accountability programs. The New York
Times recently found that five to ten percent of New York
City students are pushed out of school. The same thing happens
When states require accountability,
the number of students classified as learning disabled
suddenly risesbecause they are excused from testing. In
North Carolina, the number of students excused from testing more
than doubled from four percent to 10 percent after the state set
NCLB also has penalties for persistently
dangerous schools, but leaves the definition of persistently
dangerous up to the states. The result is yet more dishonesty.
This year, California reported it had no persistently dangerous
schools, although one Los Angeles high school had 289 battery
cases, two assaults with a deadly weapon, a robbery, and three
sex offenses during 2001-2. School officials are also rumored
to be sweeping crime under the carpet.
The Democratic charge that NCLB
is an unfunded mandate is also true. Good schools
that get an influx of students from bad schools will have to hire
new teachers and maybe even build new classrooms, but the law
does not now cover these costs. Failing schools must
hire tutors for poor students, but no one know how much tutoring
they will need. These costs come on top of the expense of developing
tests and training highly qualified teachers. If the
government is serious about NCLB, it will have to spend a lot
Also, since the act shifts disproportionate
amounts of money to students who are left behindminoritiesit
means failing minorities will cost white taxpayers even more than
they do now.
They are all being
Many states have already cut their
meager programs for gifted children so as to shovel money into
the gaping maw of NCLB.
Because the new system will make
it look as though entire schoolsnot just minoritiesare
failing, many states will be tempted to design ridiculously simple
tests non-whites can pass. They will be free to do this because
the definition of proficiency is largely up to the
states. The result will be a patchwork of different tests, and
a child who is proficient in one state will be a failure in another.
Finally, transferring students from
failing schools to successful ones means busing inner-city bruisers
to white schools. The results are likely to be the same as in
the 1960s and 1970s, when busloads of poor blacks threw happy,
successful schools into chaos. Under busing, test scores plummeted.
On the other hand, some good may
actually come of this law. The NEA resists even the most obviously
needed changes in schools. NCLB gives government officials the
power to go over the head of the NEA and dismiss incompetent teachers
and principals, and turn failing schools into charter schools.
The administration is generally hostile to education fads and
multicultural nonsense, so putting more power in its hands may
result in some improvement.
Finally, the inevitable failure
of NCLB to close the racial gap will be further proof of the intractability
of racial differences. The neo-conservatives who smugly tout charter
schools and accountability on television will end up failing just
as badly as the liberals did. The failure of one more expensive
government program to make blacks and Hispanics act like white
people will nudge America further towards racial understanding.
Excuses for the Thernstroms
and Stephan Thernstrom
Closing the Racial Gap in Learning
Simon and Schuster,
2003, 334 pp., $26.00.
bigail and Stephan Thernstroms
new book blames the racial gap on typical neo-conservative
culprits, such as multiculturalism and single black parents,
and proposes typical neo-conservative solutions, such as
charter schools and vouchers. Because of its real merits
as well as its strict orthodoxy, the book has been favorably
No Excuses is packed
with data on student performance and behavior, and demolishes
the liberal explanation for the racial gap. The discussion
of charter schools is also valuable because it shows there
really are ways to improve performance. Giving students
farms and fencing lessons does not work; making them study
and follow the rules does. Most of the charter schools the
Thernstroms profile require uniforms and punish even small
infractions. The book goes on to give the reader the impression
these schools close the racial gap, but offers no hard evidence
that they do.
No Excuses breezily
dismisses the whole question of inherent racial differences:
Since the numbers [on the race gap] we discuss in
this chapter and later are deeply depressing, the reader
should remember that they are not measurements of fixed,
innate traits that are independent of the environment and
cannot be changed. Ordinarily, the Thernstroms carefully
marshal evidence to support their views. This baseless claim
that there are no innate differences is a glaring exception
that demonstrates the power of the race/IQ taboo.
The book is racially correct
even in its smallest details. In test-score graphs, there
are black bars for white scores, white bars for Asians,
and the bars for blacks are a lighter shade of gray than
the ones for Hispanics. It would be hard to think of a more
deliberately confusing color-schemesee page 3 for
Of course, deliberate blindness
about race is essential to the authors argument. It
is what permits them to claim to believe the achievement
gap can be closed even when all the data they present indicate
otherwise. Their book is a fine illustration of how the
egalitarian fantasy means even a carefully researched book
must be written so as strengthen the American delusion about
• BACK TO TOP • •
good start on racial profiling.
reviewed by Stephen Webster
Are Cops Racist?
How the War Against Police
Harms Black Americans
Ivan R. Dee, 2003,
170 pp., $22.50.
uring the 1980s, when drug violence
reached all-time highs, blacks accused the police of bias
for avoiding their neighborhoods and leaving them at the mercy
of criminals. By the end of the 1990s, more aggressive policing
in high-crime (mainly black) areas had helped reduce the nations
violence rates by 25 percent. In New York City, crimes of
all kinds fell an astonishing 64 percent between 1993 and
2001, to a level of safety the city had not seen in decades.
However, as Heather MacDonald
of the Manhattan Institute writes in this collection of articles
originally published in City Journal, police were met
with accusations of racism rather than the praise they deserved.
To black race-hustlers, their liberal white promoters, and
their allies in the press, police were unfairly targeting
blacks and other minorities. The great racial profiling
hullabaloo, in other words, came on the heels of one of the
greatest policing successes in American history.
As Miss MacDonald explains,
there is no evidence police unfairly target non-whites. Police
go after criminals. It may be an inconvenient fact for some,
but criminals are disproportionately black. She sees the entire
furor over racial profiling as a massive attempt
to deny this.
During the 1990s, the New Jersey
State Police were Americas favorite target for accusations
of police racism, and Miss MacDonald covers their
case with particular care. The Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA) had asked the state to crack down on smugglers who used
New Jersey as a pipeline to New York for drugs and weapons.
The DEA explained that Jamaicans, Haitians and black
street gangs control the street-level crack cocaine
trade, and that the predominant wholesale traffickers
are Colombians, followed by Dominicans, Chinese, West African/Nigerians,
Pakistanis, Hispanics and Indians, with mid-level distributors
consisting of Dominicans, Colombians, Puerto Ricans,
African-Americans and Nigerians. Whites, it appeared,
played almost no part in the drug trade.
New Jersey police paid close
attention to suspicious vehicles driven by people who fit
the DEA description. They did not pull over anyone only
because of race; they stopped drivers for violations like
speeding or missing tags. If drivers were twitchy or gave
inconsistent answers to questions, the officers asked permission
to search the car.
Only doing what
Between 1994 and 1998, 77 percent
of police searches were of non-whites; 53 percent were of
blacks. Whites accounted for only 21 percent of searches.
Since only 16 percent of the drivers on the New Jersey Turnpike
are black, this was proof to critics that the police were
racially biased. Under intense media and political pressure,
New Jerseys then-attorney general, Peter Verniero, sold
out his own state police. He issued a 1999 report, in which
he conceded, The problem of disparate treatment [of
blacks] is real, not imagined, and accused his officers
of acting on racial stereotypes. He also abandoned the appeal
against a 1996 court finding of institutional bias
in the state police, and dismissed weapons and drug charges
against 128 defendants who claimed they were stopped because
of race. It is hard to imagine acts more likely to destroy
the morale of dedicated officers.
Miss MacDonald calls Attorney
General Vernieros report on profiling shoddy,
and its evidence meaningless. In effect, it completely
threw out the results of DEA intelligence, and took it for
granted that no ethnic group is any more likely than any other
to be in the drug trade. It assumed that if blacks were only
13.5 percent of the population of New Jersey, they could account
for 60 percent of drugs and weapons arrests only if
the police were racist. In fact, in no way did the study show
that the police were doing anything other than searching people
who were particularly likely to be criminals. Miss MacDonald
concludes: If blacks in fact carry drugs at a higher
rate than do whites, then this search rate merely reflects
good law enforcement. If the police are now to be accused
of racism every time they go where the crime is, thats
the end of public safety.
The facts, of course, did not
matter. The US Department of Justice (DOJ) ordered troopers
to list the race of every driver stopped and the duration
of the stop, and began screening all officers for racial patterns.
Any officer whose stops or arrests tilt heavily towards a
particular racial group can be fired. The result is what is
called de-policing: drug arrests on the Garden State Parkwaywhere
racial differences had been greatestdropped by 55 percent
in 2000, and 25 percent on other state highways. The results
were predictable. Not only were there a lot more drugs and
guns on the street, but between 2000 and 2001, the homicide
rate in Newark, for example, jumped 65 percent.
Other jurisdictions have faced
similar charges of racial profiling, been hobbled
by similar measures, and seen similar drops in arrest rates.
In Minneapolis, traffic stops plummeted by 63 percent in 2001
after the mayor and police chief accused officers of racial
profiling. Police in Pittsburgh told Miss MacDonald they now
effectively arrest by racial quota. In Los Angeles, during
the first nine months of 2000, arrests declined by 25 percent,
while the number of homicides increased by 25 percent.
There is so
much fantasy, cowardice, and outright lying about
race, that even things that are obviously true
require vigorous defense and careful explanation.
Of course, to Mr. Verniero and
other police critics, higher arrest and conviction rates for
blacks and Hispanics do not prove they commit more
crime than whites. They only reinforce the very racial stereotypes
that lead police to profile by race in the first place. Miss
MacDonald calls this the circularity argument,
which has become de rigueur among the anti-racial
profiling crowd. She quotes former New Jersey Senator
Robert Toricelli telling the Senate Judiciary Committee in
2000: Statistically it cannot bear evidence [sic]
to those who suggest that, as our former superintendent of
the state police suggested, that certain ethnic or racial
groups disproportionately commit crimes. They do not.
Carl Williams was a former superintendent because
he was fired in 1999 by Governor Christine Todd Whitman for
reporting that non-whites control the cocaine and marijuana
Our rulers usually take the
word of experts. If the public health authorities tell them
chicken pox is a greater threat than whooping cough, they
are unlikely to disagree. When it comes to race, however,
a lady governor who knew nothing about crime rates blithely
threw out a man who had worked in law enforcement all his
Not surprisingly, the police
are sick of this, and some have tried to defend themselves.
It is not easy to get independent confirmation that non-whites
smuggle drugs more often than whites, but the New Jersey State
Police did manage to get the attorney general to look into
whether blacks break the speed limit more often than whites,
thus justifying more traffic stops. The Public Service Research
Institute found that blacks are twice as likely as whites
to speed on the New Jersey Turnpike, and are even more likely
to drive at reckless speeds of more than 90 miles an hour.
The study found that, proportionately, not enough blacks are
stopped for speeding!
Did the attorney general of
New Jersey trumpet the results that vindicated his state police?
No. He tried to bury it, claiming the methodology was bad.
Our rulers are so committed to the idea that there are no
race differences in crime rates that they ignore and even
suppress evidence to the contrary. Only after the report was
posted on the Internet by a New Jersey newspaper did the attorney
general officially accept it, but both he and the DOJ said
it didnt really mean very much.
Miss MacDonald is at pains to
point outit is even the subtitle of her bookthat
it is blacks who have the most to lose in the current war
against the police. She spoke to ordinary blacks who respect
the police, and indeed criticize them for not running
off the drug dealers. She faults the press for not publicizing
the generally pro-police attitudes of non-criminal blacks,
especially when police do make mistakes, such as in the shooting
death of African illegal immigrant Amadou Diallo in 1999 (see
next article). Instead, the press invariably falls at the
feet of Al Sharpton or Jesse Jackson, who then force concessions
out of craven politiciansall at the expense of blacks
who will be the targets of the black criminals the police
are now either unable or unwilling to arrest.
However, it is not only law-abiding
blacks who suffer because of the anti-profiling crusade. Whites
suffer from black crime, too, but Miss MacDonald warns of
even larger consequences. In the wake of the September 11
attacks, Muslim and Arab pressure groups yelled when the government
rounded up Middle Easterners, and complained about racial
profiling rather than encourage their people to cooperate
with authorities. If anti-terror efforts are undermined as
easily as the New Jersey State Police wereand indications
are not encouragingthe results could be a lot worse
than a plague of black drug peddlers.
A Good Start
Miss MacDonalds book is
an antidote to anti-police hysteria, but there is something
shifty about her treatment of racial profiling. She says there
are two kinds, hard and soft. The
hard kind would mean stopping someone only because of race,
and she says thats wrong. Shes not very clear
though, about the legitimate soft kind. She seems
to think it should not go beyond acting on intelligence like
that of the DEA on drug runners. She even seems to think that
since non-white neighborhoods have a lot of crime, the fact
that police spend a lot of time in them and pick up a lot
of non-white criminals is some kind of acceptable racial profiling.
Sometimes, race may be the only
thing the authorities need to know. In national parks that
run up to the Mexican border, whites with backpacks are campers;
Hispanics with backpacks are illegal immigrants.
Miss MacDonald does not seem
to understand that profiling of all kinds is a combination
of soft hunch and hard statistics, and is essential to good
police work. The cops know men are more crime-prone than women
and that young men are more crime-prone than old men, and
they profile constantly by sex and age. Does that mean they
stop every young man and never stop an old woman? No, but
they stop perhaps 500 innocent young men for every innocent
old woman, in the process of finding the guilty. No one complains
about it, because we know that to treat old women and young
men equally would be an idiotic waste of time.
they stop more women?
Race is like sex and age: it
carries information it would be foolish to ignore. Three unknown
black men in your back yard are a greater menace than three
otherwise similar white men in your back yard. Everyone knows
this, including blacks and liberal journalists and Ted Kennedy.
Does that mean the police should
stop every black? No more than they should stop every young
man. An experienced officer takes in everything at a glance:
dress, manner, location, time of day, etc. Race is an important
part of the picture. Police departments therefore took a wrong
turn when they denied they were profiling by race. They should
have said, Sure, we do it, and heres why.
But the heres why
brings us to Miss MacDonalds most important failing.
Where are the statistics? Different treatment of young men
and old women causes no outcry because everyone knows young
men commit a lot of crime and old women commit hardly any.
The public does not know the exact numerical difference but
it doesnt need to know. Its obvious.
The same should be true about
race. The general sense everyone has that blacks commit more
crime than whites should be enough for people to understand
why police pay more attention to them. However, there is so
much fantasy, cowardice, and outright lying about race, that
even things that are obviously true require vigorous defense
and careful explanation.
As we know, there are people
who insist there are no race differences in crime rates. Its
unlikely they believe it, but they say it, and the servile
media report it. The only way to convince these people race
is as legitimate a profiling category as sex or age, is to
prove there are race differences in crime rates. Miss MacDonald
makes no attempt to do so. Her evidencearrest ratesis
exactly what police-haters cite as proof of police racism.
In a book like hers, it is unforgivable
not to have consulted the National Crime Victimization Survey
(NCVS). This is an annual survey of more than 100,000 Americans
that gathers a tremendous amount of information about the
violent crimes they have suffered during the past year. From
time to time the NCVS asks about race of perpetrator, and
Americas crime victims report that, indeed, more than
half the muggers were black. Many of them get away, of course,
but police records show that just over half the muggers they
arrest are black. If the public says 60 percent of the muggers
were black and if 60 percent of the muggers the police arrest
are black, it suggests the police are doing their job regardless
of race. When the racial proportions for rape and assault
are also in line, it is an even stronger argument. It is an
argument Miss MacDonaldinexplicablyfails to make.
Statistically, blacks are about
as much more likely than whites to commit violent crime as
men are more likely to do so than women. This fact alone,
if it were widely recognized, would remove almost all criticism
of racial profiling. Miss MacDonald apparently does not know
the facts, and is therefore unable to make the arguments on
which her position depends.
What about racial differences
in drug use? Police critics constantly tell us whites are
just as likely as blacks to take drugs, and that police viciously
target blacks. Miss MacDonald assumes they are wrong, but
how does she know? In this case there are no data as forceful
as the NCVS, but there are very interesting indicators. The
US Department of Health and Human Services keeps records by
race of drug-related emergency room admissions. Blacks are
admitted at six times the white rate for heroin and morphine,
and ten times the white rate for cocain (Hispanics are admitted
at three and two times the white rates respectively). These
rates cannot be attributed to wealth differences. Whites may
be better able to afford fancy, private drying-out clinics,
but these are emergency admissions, for which whites
can plan no better than non-whites. The simple explanation
for these admissions differences is that non-whites take a
lot of drugs. There is plenty of other evidence to show that
race differences in crime rates are substantial, and consistent
over time (see AR, July 1999). Miss MacDonald would make a
much stronger case if she used it.
Finally, Miss MacDonald takes
a conventionally soft-headed view of the causes of crime.
If officers stop and arrest
proportionately more blacks than whites, claimed the conventional
dodge, it is because cops are racist, not because blacks commit
more crime. So rather than tackling the culture that produced
such high rates of criminality, the nations media and
political élites campaigned to purge law enforcement
Culture, of course,
has very little to do with crime. Both crime and culture,
however defined, reflect genetic endowments. The Japanese
do not have a culture that steers them away from
crime. They have high average intelligence and low average
blood testosterone levels, and commit very few crimes, whether
they are living in Japan, the United States or anywhere else.
Their culture does not determine their crime rates any more
than their crime rates determine their culture; both reflect
their biological nature.
Miss MacDonald is probably best
known for her book, The Burden of Bad Ideas. The idea
that culture rather than biology drives most human
behavior is an exceedingly bad idea with which she continues
to burden herself.
• • • BACK TO TOP • •
Hall sells out the policeagain.
New York Police Depart-ments elite undercover Street
Crimes Unit (SCU) played a vital role in reducing the citys
crime rate in the 1990s. It was established in the 1970s
to protect cabbies and truck drivers, but Mayor Rudy Giuliani
shifted its focus to getting illegal guns off the streets.
SCU officers patrolled high-crime areas, using aggressive
stop and frisk tactics. As an SCU veteran explains,
Were trained to look for things that dont
make sense: people congregating, turning away fast, or holding
or picking up their belts. Stop and frisk
paid offhomicides, which had been as high as 2,200
a year under Mr. Giulianis black predecessor, David
Dinkins, fell to 638 by 1998. Gun homicides dropped by an
astonishing 75 percent.
But on Feb. 4, 1999, four
white members of the street crimes unit shot and killed
Amadou Diallo, an unarmed African immigrant. The officers
spotted Diallo pacing nervously in front of an apartment
building in a neighborhood that had recently seen a rash
of shootings and in which an armed rapist had been on the
prowl. Diallo matched the description of the rapist. When
the officers identified themselves, Diallo ran into the
building and tried to open the locked inner door. Two of
the officers ordered Diallo to come out with his hands up.
Instead, he turned away and pulled a black object from his
pocket, which one of the officers thought was a gun. They
opened fire, hitting Diallo 19 times. The object was a wallet.
Wont be there when
theyre needed next.
The sky fell on the Street
Crimes Unit. Critics accused it of racial profiling, pointing
out that blacks were 24.5 percent of New Yorks population,
but accounted for 50.9 percent of the SCUs searches.
A left-wing group called the Center for Constitutional Rights
(CCR) sued the city on behalf of ten black plaintiffs, alleging
they were singled out by the SCU solely because of race.
In November 2003, the city paid the men a total of $167,000
and agreed to make police officers fill out detailed forms
for every stop, noting the suspects race and exact
reason he was stopped. The CCR, together with a federal
judge, will review the forms for any evidence of racial
Critics claimed stop
and frisk had no purpose other than to intimidate
non-whites, noting that 16 innocent blacks were stopped
for every one arrested. However, Columbia Law School professor
Richard Ulliver explains this supposedly shocking figure
is well within tolerance. I dont
know of any other way to fight the war on handguns,
he adds. Nor did all blacks oppose stop and frisk.
If the Street Crimes Unit pats me down because I match
a description, and the next guy they pat down has a gun,
God bless them, says Richard Green of the Crown Heights
Youth Collective. I have a right to privacy, but you
have an absolute right to your life and property.
Indeed, 50.9 percent of the
people the SCU stopped were black, but 59 percent of street
crime victims reported that the attacker was black. Police
did not stop enough blacks. Of course, the settlement with
the Center for Constitutional Rights means the NYPD will
search even fewer blacks from now on, so crimeincluding
gun homicidesshould rise.
When that happens, New Yorkers
wont have the Street Crimes Unit to protect them.
Because of the uproar over the Diallo shooting, the city
disbanded it in April 2002.
Late, Great City of Mayberry
City becomes Mexico pequeño.
reviewed by George McDaniel
directed by John
Frances Bavier, Aunt
Bee of the old Andy Griffith television show, is buried
in Siler City, North Carolina, where she spent the last
17 years of her life. The Andy Griffith Show chronicled
life in Mayberry, an idyllic Southern village, a place where
time seemed to have stopped. In the words of Richard Kelly,
author of The Andy Griffith Show, Mayberry
is totally conservative and . . . is guided by its traditions
and rituals and resists change of all sorts.
When the series ended, Miss
Bavier retired and set out to look for the town in America
most like Mayberry. She ended up in Siler City, which had
been mentioned frequently on the show. I ... came
here looking for a fairyland, she explained. And for
those 17 years, she found it.
Andy, Opie, and
Now, in the years since Miss
Baviers death in 1989, that fairyland has taken a
monstrous turn. What had been a quiet town of 5,000, of
whom about 71 percent were white and 27 percent black, has
now nearly doubled in size and consists of three uneasy
racial groupswhite, black, and Hispaniceach
about a third of the population. The local elementary school
is at least 50 percent Hispanic. With the population of
the rest of the surrounding Chatham County figured in, at
least 10,000 Mexicans now live in the area, virtually every
one of whom arrived in the last ten years. More come every
The rapid changes that have
come to Siler City and Chatham County have brought the region
much publicity, and the town was the subject of a September
2003 PBS documentary called The Divide.
What accounts for Siler Citys
dramatic change? At various points in the program, the area
is called a magnet, as though illegal aliens
are irresistibly drawn there, like so many iron filings.
It is true that Mexican peasants did not choose Siler City
on their own. They are actively recruited, primarily by
chicken processors like Townsend Poultry, eager to pay low
wages for dirty, disagreeable work. Management appears to
think only of profits, and finds the immigrants rustic
naïveté to be an advantage. According to Mother
Jones magazine, one local poultry executive has said
of the illegal employees, I dont want them after
theyve been here a year and know how to get around.
I want them right off the bus. Although the government
has investigated firms such as Tyson Foods for recruiting
illegal workers, the meatpacking industry and many others
continue to flout the law.
If white businessmen are ultimately
responsible, the white townspeople and civic leaders are
no better. In the program there are short interviews with
residents. Predictably, the blacks and Latinos speak out
for the interests of their own race, without apology or
compromise. Of the three whites interviewed, only oneNational
Alliance member Will Williamsspeaks for whites, and
is presented, as we shall see, in the worst possible light.
The other two whites, a county commissioner and a Baptist
preacher, talk about how important it is to seek understanding
and celebrate diversity.
The county commissioner, Rick
Givens, has not always been so agreeable. In August 1999,
he wrote to the INS asking for help with the flood of illegals,
and suggested they might need to be routed back to
their homes. The letter caused a stir, and it seemed
that Mr. Givens might be on the verge of becoming an anti-immigration
crusader. But then came a chance politicians-on-the-make
crave: a political junket.
series ended, Miss Bavier retired and set out
to look for the town in America most like Mayberry.
In Mr. Givenss case,
it was an all-expenses-paid trip in 1999 to Puebla, Mexico,
birthplace of many of Siler Citys new residents. Along
with 25 other state and local officials, Mr. Givens was
sent by a group called the North Carolina Center for International
Understanding, which is sponsored by the University of North
Carolina. After touring rundown homes and schools, and seeing
the conditions in which his new neighbors used to live,
he decided he had to make it easier for them to come to
Siler City. According to salon.com, Givens felt humbled
by the experience and changed his position.
I still say illegal
is illegal, he said on his return, but apparently
some illegal is less illegal than others. I found
out it wasnt just a simple black-and-white issue,
he added. He came home with a new calling: to decide how
we can work with the people that are here to help integrate
them to our way of living.
The other pro-immigrant white
on the program is Reverend Neal Kight, who has a quickly-growing
Hispanic congregation. Rev. Kight has made it his mission
to convince the white people of Siler Cityat least
the whites still in his congregationto accept and
welcome their new neighbors. Although at one point he appears
to speak with great authority about the evils of life under
segregation, he later admits that that he arrived only recently.
For 14 years, he was a minister in New Mexico, where he
and his wife were the only whites. The current complexion
of Siler City makes him feel quite at home.
The Reverend does concede
that when his daughter reached school-age, he passed on
the local elementary school (the one that is 50 percent
Hispanic) and sent her to a newly-formed charter school.
This had nothing to do with race, not at all,
he emphasizes. It was a question of class size, student-teacher
ratio, that sort of thing.
Rev. Kight recently helped
put on a Siler City Racial Unity Rally, to banish
the specter of David Duke, who had spoken at an immigration-control
rally. Rev. Kights purpose waswhat elseto
celebrate our diversity, but judging from the
scenes in The Divide, most Siler City residents
apparently decided to celebrate by staying home.
National Alliance activist
Will Williams no doubt appeared on the program only because
he invited David Duke to Siler City in April 2000. As Mr.
Williams explains, as soon as he began to hear the town
referred to as Little Mexico, he had to do something.
The program portrays the Duke rally as a unifying event
for blacks, Hispanics, and good white people.
Although the rally was about the problems brought on by
the influx of immigrants, the program highlights the emotional
response of blacks to a former Klansman. At
the same time, it gives the impression that anyone who opposes
the transformation of Siler City is, at heart, a night rider.
Although Mr. Williams is allowed
a few statements here and there, and Rev. Kight and Mr.
Givens speak of the difficult adjustments whites
have had to make, The Divide glosses over substantive
complaints about mass immigration, and suggests anyone who
preferred the town the way it was, is either ignorant of
the benefits Latinos are providing or downright bigoted
and hateful. The program is silent on drug use, gangs, school
violence, overtaxed services, plummeting test scores, an
increase in sexually transmitted diseases, underage drinking,
domestic violence, traffic accidents, noise violations,
unsanitary housing, livestock within the city limitsall
problems created or exacerbated by Hispanic immigrants.
One of the commentators in
the program is Ruben Martinez, a musician and writer. He
is, of course, sympathetic to the immigrants and approves
of the adjustments Siler City has made to welcome them.
The Divide does not, however, go into Mr. Martinezs
views on how the Mexican invasion has affected Mexico, which
he described in his book Crossing Over:
A cholo [gangbanger]
from the Purépecha Plateau in Michoacán strolls
down the main street of Nahuatzen . . . . Hes wearing
his Oakland Raiders cap backwards and his head is shaved
East-L.A. style. Hes got his Nikes on and his baggy
pants. Hes wearing a sleeveless T-shirt to display
the tragicomic mask tattooed on his shoulder, with the slogan
la vida loca [the crazy life].
He goes into a video
arcade with his buddies and spends an hour killing ninjas,
blacks and Arabs. Each time he kills a bad guy he screams:
En la madre [any reference to a Hispanics
mother rather than mommy is an insult],
motherfucker! Then he climbs into his ranfla [low
rider], a broken-down 79 Datsun with North Carolina
plates, and he goes cruiseando through town singing
the refrain from a golden oldie: My angel baby, my
angel baby/oooh I love you, yes I do . . . .
America is poisoning Mexico
but Mexico is enriching America.
Where the Mexicans
The Divide ends
with a visit to a young Hispanic woman bustling about her
Siler City home, sort of a youngish, Latinized Aunt Bee
for the 21st century. In sad Spanish phrases accompanied
by a strumming guitar sound track, she says that while Mexico
is her country [Mexico es mi pais], Siler
CityMexico pequeño [Little Mexico]is
As I watched The Divide
again on videotape to write this review, the tape ended
and the television switched automatically back to the news.
There, in his best pidgin Spanish, President George Bush
was rolling his Rs before a Hispanic crowd. It was con
nosotros this and este es that,
as he schmoozed and oléd with his hermanos.
Such a performance no longer seemed surreal.
Meanwhile, back in Siler City,
new Hispanic families arrive each week on North Chatham
Avenue, while Aunt Bees house on Elk Street has been
put on the market again. Even the ghosts are leaving Mayberry
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
From South Africa
We have received the following letter
from Mrs. Lynn Finlay of South Africa about the Dec. 11 murder
of her friend Johan Bester. It captures the bitterness many South
Africans feel in this tenth-year anniversary of the ANC takeover
of their country, and the world-wide silence that has greeted
the war on white farmers that has already left more than 1,500
A friend of ours from Walkerville
was shot and killed yesterday by blacks supposedly looking to
buy a tractor. He was shot in the head as he turned to go into
his kitchen to fetch tea for his visitors, who had been there
the previous day to look at the tractor. Bessie was not a small
man and the cowards waited to shoot him with his back turned.
He could have killed them with his bare hands and they could not
risk him fighting back. Johan Bester and his family are well known
and liked in our area and we are all horrified at this senseless
killing. THIS IS THE 5TH FRIEND WE HAVE LOST IN THE PAST 10 YEARS
TO THESE MURDERING SAVAGES. How many people in the civilised world
can claim they have lost so many friends in peace time.
Let this be a warning to all
who think that things are coming right in SA. The
only thing that is coming right is that the blacks are wiping
out everything that is seen as white. Doing business
with these savages and socialising with them is going to cost
you more than your life . . . it is going to cost us our country,
families and friends.
WAKE UP ALL OF YOU STUPID,
LAZY AND NEW LIBERAL WHITES.
They called us Radicals, Nazis,
right wing maniacs, white supremacists and every other insult
that the liberal could think of. They chucked us in jail, hounded
us, tapped our phones (and still do) helped the Sunday Times
to destroy reputations and showed us that they would destroy us
in their quest to get the black into power. They have all since
buggered off out of the country and now chirp from the sidelines.
This is the result.
We were right.
If it takes 100 years for
the world to accept this, then that is just too bad, and who cares
what the USA, UK, Israel and the rest of the rubbish think about
us anyway. They dont live here.
But in SA, if we allow ourselves
to be complacent, we are going to be murdered out of existence.
By the way, they did not take
anything except an empty cash box. . . . anyone who tells you
the motive was robbery is very mistaken. As usual, it is the same
old, same old. As far as they are concerned, the only good white
farmer is a dead one. Funny, but I feel the same way about the
entire black race.
In Carthage, North Carolina, three
blacks are charged with the murder of four whites, aged
18 to 21, and the attempted murder of a fifth. According to police,
Mario Phillips, his girlfriend Renee McLauglin, and a friend
invaded the trailer home of Eddie Ryals, and shot and stabbed
the owner and his friends Joseph Harden, Carl Justice, Amanda
Cook, and Harvey Hobson. The blacks then set the home on fire
to destroy the evidence. Mr. Phillips, the ringleader, lived across
from Mr. Ryalss trailer, and the murderers were friends
of the victims: They first met more than a year before the crime,
when Mr. Hobson helped out Mr. Phillips and his girlfriend when
their car ran out of gas. This is how they repaid the favor.
One of their victims, 15-year-old
Amanda Cook, miraculously survived being shot twice and stabbed
22 times. As the blacks watched the trailer burn down, they saw
her stagger out the back door. They threw her in the back of their
truck, and drove off to dispose of her. The truck got stuck on
a stump, and they abandoned it when they heard police sirens.
They ran back to Mr. Phillipss homejust across the
streetand were arrested. Miss Cooks life is still
Police say robbery was the motive
but there was only about $170 in the home. A neighbor says the
murderers were involved in drug trafficking. [Wade Rawlins, NewsObserver.com,
Dec. 21, 2003. Mary Anderson, Robbery Starts Tale of Horror, Courier-Tribune
(Asheboro, N.C.), no date. Survivor of Moore County Shootings,
Stabbings, Fire Remains in Critical Condition, WRAL. com, Dec.
Are They Now?
Damian Williams was one of the first
blacks to start rioting in Los Angeles after the 1992 acquittal
of the officers who beat Rodney King. He was one of several men
filmed by a television news crew as he attacked white truck driver
Reginald Denny. He served four years of a 10-year term for felony
In July 2000, he got into an argument
with Grover Tinner in a Los Angeles crack house and Mr. Tinner
ended up dead of gunshot wounds. Last December, a Los Angeles
Superior Court judge sentenced him to 30 years to life for murder
and another 21 years for theft of a firearm. Mr. Williamss
co-defendant, who actually pulled the trigger, got 110 years to
life, plus 20 years. [Monte Morin, 1992 Riots Figure Sentenced,
Los Angeles Times, Dec. 6, 2003.]
of the Past
Chicago Alderman Dorothy Tillman,
who is black, was the driving force behind the Chicago city councils
directive in February 2003 requiring all companies with city contracts
to report whether they or any corporate predecessor had anything
to do with the slave trade. Since then, more than 2,000 city contractors
have filed slavery disclosure affidavits, and all
but one denied any tie to the slave trade. The investment bank
Lehman Brothers reported that the three brothers who founded its
predecessor, H. Lehman & Brothers, bought a woman named Martha
in Montgomery, Alabama, in 1854. The brothers may have owned other
slaves, but the company says historical records provide
no evidence as to what role, if any Martha or any other
slave played at the firm.
Lehman Brothers is co-manager of
a $145 million bond issue for Chicagos OHare Airport,
and last September, Mayor Richard Daley appointed a black Lehman
Brothers senior vice president, Carole Brown, as chairman of the
Chicago Transit Authority (CTA). When the press reported the story
about Martha, Miss Brown defended her company, saying, [T]he
Lehman Brothers in the 1850s is not the company that it is today.
Thats evidenced by my leadership and the fact that they
dont condone violations of fundamental human rights in any
Miss Tillman is outraged. She
should have kept her mouth shut and said, Im not going
to speak against my people, she said, and on she went:
Why is this young lady trying to speak on behalf of slave
owners? [Theyre saying] lets parade this black
woman out there. Who is she to say that things have changed?
Things have not changed. The economy for blacks is just as bad
as it was under Jim Crow. We still have only one percent of the
wealth. Shes not there because of her merits or because
someone loves her. Shes there because of the fight waged
for parity in this country.
Miss Tillman insists that either
Miss Brown apologize for allowing herself to be used to sanitize
the reputation of a company built on the backs of her own people
or resign as CTA chairman. If shes that insensitive
as an African-American woman not to understand the effects and
residues of slavery, she certainly cant represent us on
the CTA board. She cannot speak for them and us too.
Conrad Willett, chairman of the
National Black United Front, applauds Lehman Brothers for at least
admitting ties to slavery, but thinks they reported only
the tip of the iceberg. Were working with a
major researcher who has uncovered Lehman Brotherss deep
involvement in the slave enterprise that they did not admit to
in their affidavit, he says. Miss Tillman thinks many other
city contractors had historical ties to slavery: I warn
those companies who have lied on the affidavits that when we get
through looking through and find out they have lied, were
going to shine the light of truth on them, and whatever contracts
they have with the city will be terminated. [Fran Spielman,
CTA Chief Told to Apologize or Resign, Chicago Sun-Times, Nov.
25, 2003, p. 13.]
Denmark collects more sperm for
artificial insemination than any other nation, and the Danish
sperm bank Cryos International, which offers only Danish sperm,
is the largest in the world. Danes contribute to about 1,000 pregnancies
a year in more than 40 countries. In fact, demand from the United
States has been so great Cryos has opened an office in New York
City. Donors, most of them students, receive $40.50 for every
donation. Not all sperm is good enough for Cryos, though; the
bank sells only about 10 percent of its donations. Women can browse
for sperm on Cryoss website (www.scandinaviancryobank.com),
where information about the appearance, education, and profession
of the donors is listed under Viking aliases, such as Birk, Gorm,
Olaf, and Thor.
There is more Sperm donation in
Denmark than in other countries because laws assure donor anonymity.
Cryos has found that only 12 percent of its donors would continue
to provide sperm if they were not guaranteed anonymity. Donation
decreased markedly in other Scandinavian countries when courts
banned donor anonymity. [Elinor Schang, Worlds Top Sperm
Donors Live in Denmark, Reuters, Dec. 28, 2003.]
From a recent
issue of the Akron Beacon Journal.
Malaysia has struggled for many
years with diversity. Its large Chinese minority is far more successful
academically and economically than the native Malay majority,
and the country has long practiced what it calls a Bumiputra
(sons of the soil) policy of discrimination in favor of Malays.
Ethnic relations continue to be bad, and as this BBC news story
(quoted in full) suggests, the government is willing to try just
about anything to improve them:
Malaysia is to consider using
mass circumcision ceremonies to promote racial harmony.
Circumcision is a rite of
passage for young Muslim boys, and in Malaysia it is common for
the ceremony to become an event with dozens, or even hundreds
of boys being circumcised together.
Now the prime ministers
religious affairs adviser has suggested that circumcision can
bring Malaysians of all races and religions together.
Dr Abdul Hamid Othman said
that with the growing popularity of circumcision among the countrys
non-Muslim minoritieswho see it as good hygienic practicethey
too could be invited to join in the celebrations with their Muslim
He believes the idea could
promote better race relations and he wants to see a nationwide
circumcision ceremony organised.
Just over half of Malaysias
population is Muslim, mainly members of the ethnic Malay community,
while the countrys Chinese, Tamil and tribal peoples follow
a variety of other faiths.
The government has been exploring
ways of stopping the different groups from drifting apart, including
the introduction of a national service scheme which begins in
February. [Jonathan Kent, Malaysia Moots Cross-cultural
Circumcision, BBC News, Dec. 17, 2003.]
The man who came be to known as
Yusef Bey was born in 1934 in Greenville, Texas, and was given
the name Joseph Stephens in Greenville, Texas. When he was five,
he moved to Oakland with his parents. He grew up, joined the Air
Force, moved to Santa Barbara where he opened a beauty salon,
and joined the Nation of Islam. He moved back to Oakland and opened
Your Black Muslim Bakery, which he expanded over a period of 30
years into a multi-million-dollar empire of food stores, security
services, apartment management, and even a health spa. A whole
block of downtown Oakland is filled with his businesses, and his
trademark bean pies, muffins and carrot cakes are even sold at
the Oakland Airport. He had a weekly cable television program
in which he promoted family values and denounced the
white devils tricknology that keeps black people
down. He grew to be a very powerful man in Oakland, and even ran
for mayor in 1994.
Now, it appears that his prominence
protected him against serious charges of rape. In 1978, Oakland
social services put two sisters into foster care with one of the
many women Mr. Bey claimed as wiveshe had one
legal wife and a large harem of concubineswho lived at his
residential compound. According to court records and police reports,
he soon started raping the girls, and kept it up for eight years.
The younger sister had her first child with Mr. Bey when she was
13 and had two more by the time she was 18. The older sister bore
him two children before reaching age 18. Many of the men and women
who lived at the compound reportedly knew about the rapes, but
told the girls they would get used to it. Tarika Lewis, who was
married to the sisters biological father, tried to get help
from the police and the citys social services department,
but got the cold shoulder. I kept running into brick walls
or threats, she says.
The sisters moved out of the compound
when they turned 18, but Mr. Bey reportedly raped other young
girls. He also turned his attentions to a 13-year-old who got
a job at one of his bakeries. He raped her over a period of 18
months, and sent men to threaten her and her family when she stopped
showing up for work. The woman, now 23, says that when she complained
to a social worker she was told, Yusef Bey is too powerful.
We cant go up against him. The bakery worker committed
an assault and ended up in a group home in 1996, where she told
the police what Mr. Bey was doing, but nothing came of it.
Oakland police finally began to
act in June 2002 when the younger foster sister spent several
hours giving them a detailed account of what she knew. An investigator
got DNA samples from Mr. Bey and several of his children, looked
up the old records from the 1996 complaint, and finally got prosecutors
to file rape charges in Nov. 2002. Needless to say, Mr. Bey called
the charges malicious lies, and suggested they were
part of a white conspiracy to take him down. The net was beginning
to close on him when the 68-year-old Mr. Bey died in September,
2003. Forty-three children and a number of wives attended
his lavish memorial service.
Only a few blacksmostly womenappear
to have lowered their opinion of Bey. Many of his supporters say
the charges are nonsense, and others say it makes no difference
even if they are true. He was a born leader in the sense
of an African chief or a Muslim caliph, says 62-year-old
supporter Maleek Al Maleek What is prohibited here is not
prohibited in East India, where there are child marriages. I can
show you chiefs in Africa who have 30 wives . . . . The ways of
the high priests are not shared by the commoner. [Lee Rommey,
Dignity, Diligence, Scandal, Los Angeles Times, Dec. 30, 2003.]
In December, Christoph Blocher,
whom the press calls a fervent nationalist, won election
to Switzerlands federal cabinet, the countrys most
powerful elected body. He is a billionaire industrialist who wants
lower taxes, less government, and a strict clamp down on refugees
and illegal immigrants. He also opposes closer ties with the European
Union, arguing that it would be suicide for Switzerland to give
up its independence to bureaucrats in Brussels. His election was
met with praise from bankers and businessmen, and shrieking from
refugee aid groups. He said he looked forward to working with
his six colleagues in the federal cabinet, some of whom he has
criticized as incompetent. [Clare Nullis, Right-winger
Elected into Switzerlands Cabinet, San Mateo County Times
(Calif.), Dec. 11, 2003, p. 2.]
In Serbia, a man the papers like
to call an ultranationalist, Tomislav Nikolic, led
his Serbian Radical Party to the best showing in December elections,
with 27 percent of the vote. The second-place finisher, with 17
percent of the vote, was the Democratic Party of Serbia, which
the papers call moderate nationalist. Serbia is likely
to have a sound immigration policy. [Dusan Stojanovic, Nationalists
Win Plurality, Washington Times, Dec. 29, 2003, p. A12.]
The Hmong, primitive Laotian mountain
tribesmen, were recruited by the CIA to fight Laotian communists
during the Vietnam War, and became refugees in Thailand when the
communists won. In the 1970s, about 130,000 came to the United
States as political refugees, mainly settling in Minnesota and
California. The Hmong have been highly unsuccessful here and are
noted for their high rates of poverty, unemployment, and suicide.
[see AR, August 2003 and September 2003].
Many Hmong in Southeast Asia have
still not been resettled, and American Hmong have been pressing
the US government to let even more of them in. They now have their
wish: the State Department agreed in December to let in 15,000
more Hmong, and activists are hoping for more. One reason is the
State Department thinks America has not been getting enough refugees
recently: President Bush agreed to accept 70,000 per year, but
admitted fewer than 30,000 in each of the last two years, mainly
because of stricter security after the September 11 attacks.
Some Americans have objected to
shouldering the costs of resettling the Hmong. However, Minnesota
State Senator Mee Moua, the first Hmong elected to state office,
explains, These are people who need help and will make good
Americans. Bo Thao, director of a Hmong advocacy group in
Washington, adds, We greatly appreciate that the United
States is again living up to its role as protector of refugees.
[Marc Kaufman, 15,000 War Refugees Allowed to Apply to Leave Thai
Camp, Washington Post, Dec. 21, 2003.].
A recent study discredits the view
that British police are biased against non-whites. In fact, the
study found the opposite: whites are more likely to be stopped
and searched than blacks or Asians, even though white Britons
are less likely to commit crimes than non-whites. The study found
that in Slough (a suburb of London), whites were 36 percent of
the street population, but more than half of those stopped and
searched by police. The figures for blacks were 19 percent and16
percent, and for Asians they were 42 percent and 33 percent. [Mark
Ludlow and Alison Gordon, Whites More Likely than Blacks to Face
Police Searches on Streets, Sunday Times (London), Oct. 26, 2003.]
Europe is plagued by low birth rates,
but in Italy the problem is particularly grave. Italian women
have, on average, only 1.2 children. According to economist Giuseppe
Pennisi, If projections are right, then in 2050 Italy will
have 15 million fewer people than today, which means we wont
have enough young people to pay for [the] welfare system, pensions,
health and so on. Rather than encourage immigration, the
government is paying womenbut only women of European originto
have children. From Dec. 1, 2003 to the end of 2004, Italians
who have a second child will get a one-time payment of 1,000 Euros
($1,200). Some local areas are doing even more to increase birth
rates. Laviano, a small town near Naples whose population declined
by nearly half since 1970, is offering a bonus of 10,000 Euros
($11,900) per baby. [Frances Kennedy, Italy Offers Families Baby-Cash,
BBC News, Dec. 1, 2003. Tamsin Smith, Italy Baby Cash Aims to
Boost Births, BBC News, Oct. 2, 2003. Italian Town Offers $11,900
per Baby, Reuters, Dec. 3, 2003.]
Washington State police have detained
Khalil Nassar on charges of attempted kidnapping and felony harassment
for trying to abduct his sister and punish her for marrying a
Christian. His sister had taped him, threatening that he would
return her to her family dead or alive. He was arrested
with a partner a block from her house in a rented van, where police
found rope, gloves, coveralls, and a hardhat; the last two items
were, presumably, to be used as a disguise. Prof. Farhat J. Ziadeh
of University of Washington, who specializes in Islamic law, explains
that Islam requires continuation of the faith. The man is
the head of the family, and the children follow the mans
religion and they dont want anyone to be cut off from Islam.
[Police: Man Tried to Kidnap Sister for Marrying Christian, AP,
Dec. 27, 2003.]
Muslims in Europe have committed
similar crimes, and this is not the first in the United States.
In February 2001 in Ohio, a Pakistani computer scientist named
Nawaz Ahmed killed his wife and three members of her family because
her suspected unfaithfulness besmirched his honor. [Frank Hinchey,
Ohio Killings Were Motivated by Husbands Need For Honor,
Experts Say, Columbus Dispatch, Feb. 8, 2001.]
Law against the
veil or law against Islam.
A government-appointed commission
in France has reported that French Muslims are carrying out a
guerilla assault against the secular state. Young
Arab radicals encourage and even force Arab girls to wear head
scarves, especially at school, where religious symbols are forbidden
under French law. Muslim students and families torment female
teachers, assault Jewish students, and disrupt classes about some
historical issues like the Holocaust. Muslim men insist that only
female doctors treat their wives and daughters, and some Muslims
refuse medical treatment entirely, because French doctors are
On Dec. 17, President Jacques Chirac
proposed a law to ban Muslim headscarves at schools, in an effort
to reestablish the separation of church and state and quell Muslim
nationalism. The law was needed, he said, to protect our
children, so that our youth are not exposed to the ill winds that
separate, that divide, that pit one against another. The
law is expected to pass parliament. Some commentators believe
Mr. Chirac proposed the law to steal the thunder of the National
Front, which will offer the stiffest competition to his center-right
party in this years regional elections. [Sebastian Rotella,
Chirac Proposes Ban on Head Scarves, Los Angeles Times, Dec. 18,
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| L E T T E R S
F R O M R E A D E R S
SirThank you very much for
publishing Mikael Widmarks fascinating article on the racial
problems in Scandinavia in the Dec. 2003 issue. I have been in
London and am quite aware of the effect of immigration on England
and France, but naively assumed Scandinavia was the last bastion
of a relatively pure Nordic society.
What is most depressing of all is
that the native populations have inflicted this grave wound to
their culture, nation and race on themselves willingly, and in
the case of Sweden, apparently gleefully. Can we really attribute
to northern Europeans any meaningful advantage in intelligence?
Robert Michael, Santa Barbara, Cal.
SirI was astonished to learn
in your January issue of the attitude with which the Jamestown
colonists approached the Indians. I would have expected them very
quickly to have taken the view that Indians were an obstacle to
civilization, to be eliminated on any pretext. To have instead
endured the vilest treachery in 1622 only to stretch their necks
out to the knife yet again in 1644 shows, if possible, even less
sense of self-preservation than whites show today. I think of
our ancestors as sturdy, sensible folk who acted unapologetically
on sound racial instincts, and of us as etiolated stock from whom
something vital is missing. Moving Indians to reservations, preventing
Asian immigration, keeping blacks separate from white societythese
are all clear acts of racial consciousness, of which todays
whites would be incapable.
I grant Mr. Jacksons point:
We are sealing our doom through inaction. But would we act as
foolishly as the Jamestown colonists? Let us try to imagine the
contemporary equivalent of the Opechancenough attack of 1622.
It would require that some non-white group decide in secret to
rise up together at precisely the same moment and kill every white
person in sight. There would be killings at schools, in offices,
and in the street. At the prescribed moment, housemaids and gardeners
would slaughter their employers, and nannies would strangle their
charges before they turned on the parents. Imagine a third of
the white population of, say, Florida or Philadelphia exterminated
in just a few hours. This is what our ancestors lived through,
and yet were soon back to mixing promiscuously with their murderers,
only to be massacred in the same way 22 years later.
It is true that not all whites behaved
like the English at Jamestown. And yet, any people that is capable
of such suicidal foolishnesseven just once or twiceis
a people in whom some vital element is missing.
Paul Chambers, Wheeling, W. Va.
SirThank you for another great
article by Michael Rienzi in the January issue. Its good
to have someone on our side who sees through the fraudulent science
of the other side.
Carla Thomas, Lexington, Ky.
SirIn a December O Tempora
item you offer the results of TopCoder, Inc.s programming
competition as evidence of the high abilities of white computer
programmers. You then suggest this proves the error of the large
number of American companies that hire out programming work to
such places as India. Would that your conclusions were valid,
but Im afraid they are not. First, TopCoders best
programmers are reportedly from Sweden, Poland, Ukraine, and Germany.
Where is the US on this list? There are still a few white people
left in America, and their absence suggests TopCoders results
are skewedperhaps by self-selectiontowards Europe.
Any competition result that suggests there are more good programmers
in the Ukraine than in the United States is not a fair test of
world-wide ability. In a fair test it may be that Indians would
do better than you think.
Next, you argue that even if foreign
programmers are cheap, they probably dont have that streak
of genius a high-tech company needs to stay on top. Most white
programmers dont either. A lot of programming is more or
less straightforward drudge work that requires no special creativity.
Finally, the market argues against
your conclusions. Dozens of companies are not moving their programming
overseas out of anti-white bias but because Indians can get the
job done for less. For many programming jobs, if you can find
men who are half as productive but cost one fifth what their competitors
charge, you are better off with two cheap workers instead of one
expensive one. In any case, there are a billion Indians and many
of them are Caucasians. Some are going to be fine programmers.
Yes, you could keep the work at
home, but you could also grow bananas in hot housesat great
expenserather than import them. When it comes to erecting
trade barriers, whether for goods or services, analogies to immigration
fail. Hiring Indian programmers in India is not the same as bringing
them here. Our wealth must depend on our being able to do things
better than anyone else can do them. That is possible with a well
educated, high-IQ population. Protectionism is needed only for
inferior goods, and leaves us all poorer.
John Corey, Fremont, Cal.
SirAR seems to take great
delight in making fun of the black belief in witchcraft, but perhaps
you should not dismiss it so quickly. Do you have a better explanation
for what has happened to whites during the past 50 years?
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