Altruism (Part II)
Whites do not Promote their own Interests
by Ian Jobling
overwhelming success of New Class activism led to steep increases
in welfare spending, public sector employment, taxation of the
wealthy, environment and worker protection, and to the civil rights
legislation of the 1960s. Groups expressing New Class opinions,
like the NAACP, the ACLU, the National Organization of Women,
and Greenpeace, raised millions of dollars by appealing to the
fashionable new forms of altruism. Moreover, liberal groups have
garnered more, and more positive, publicity than business or conservative
groups. Virtually all media references to liberal citizens
groups have a positive or neutral spin, whereas references to
corporations or conservatives generally have a negative spin.
This is because media operators
are, almost without exception, members of the New Class, and promote
its views of morality and altruism. They soft-peddle news about
black or Hispanic crime, Mexican and other non-white chauvinism,
and the depredations of immigrants, while trumpeting any detectable
misbehavior by whites, heterosexuals, or corporate executives.
In this hostile environment, businesses
had to find a way to regain credibility. They started backing
New Class causes to show they were socially responsible
and good corporate citizens. As one Wall Street investor
put it: Corporations are required to pay for the privilege
of existing as corporations. As always in competitive altruism,
the key was to appear to be unselfish, and the result has been
an increase in corporate philanthropy. Between 1966 and 1996,
total corporate contributions to philanthropic causes increased
from $790 million to $8.5 billion, which represented a more than
two-fold increase in real terms. The amount of total pre-tax income
contributed increased by 39 percent. There has also been a significant
and increasing leftward bias to these contributions. The Capital
Research Center has shown that in 1997 corporations gave more
than four times as much money to liberal groups as to conservative
ones. Minority activist groups are among the top beneficiaries
of corporate largesse. In 1997, the National Urban League was
the leading recipient of corporate charity, and the NAACP, the
National Council of La Raza, and the National Council of Negro
Women were in the top 40.
Although corporate contributions
reduce profits and shareholder value, studies that examine the
link between corporate social responsibility and profit
show a positive relationship. Millions of pious Americans are
willing to buy the products of companies that support minority
causes. One survey found that if price and quality were the same,
76 percent of Americans would switch to a brand or retail store
associated with a liberal cause. In short, altruism pays.
Consequently, many well-known companies
trumpet their commitment to diversity, hire diversity
consultants, require sensitivity training, practice
open racial preferences for non-whites, and spend lavishly at
minority job fairs. They are delighted to be chosen by minority
magazines as one of the ten best companies for Hispanicsor
blacks or Asians or women or homosexuals. It apparently occurs
to no one that such companies might be inhospitable to whites
or men. Nor do white consumers punish companies that boast about
preferential treatment for non-whites.
Corporate philanthropy, racial or
otherwise, buys status for the boss. Executives of smaller businesses
gain important contacts with top industry leaders by cooperating
with them on philanthropic initiatives. Lobbyists representing
philanthropic corporations have an easy time getting the ear of
government. A 1994 article in The Chronicle of Philanthropy
noted that in many communities involvement with charity
is practically a prerequisite to becoming a powerful figure in
the business life of the city.
As the competitive altruism theory
would predict, highly charitable corporations like Bell Atlantic
are decidedly sniffy about less charitable competitors, and eager
to expose their philanthropic inferiority. Corporate America
should be giving 2.5 percent of income, the president of
the Bell Atlantic Foundation has said. I think the nonprofit
community should do a major public relations campaign exposing
how little corporations are giving as a percent of pretax income.
This kind of pressure makes a difference.
For years, Microsoft chairman William Gates refused to give away
his billionsand was roundly criticized for tight-fistedness.
As well-known philanthropist Alberto Vilar complains, he did not
give away one damn penny until he was worth $80 billion.
He eventually established the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation,
which now has $24 billion in assets. Predictably, the richest
man in the world has poured money into the most futile and therefore
the most admired causes: eliminating the racial gap in academic
achievement and eradicating AIDS in Africa. Just as predictably,
now that Mrs. Gates is in charge of giving away about $1 billion
a year, she has made a great many new friends. The happy, non-whites
faces that dominate the Gates Foundation.org web page no doubt
add to her prestige.
delighted to be chosen by minority magazines as one
of the ten best companies for Hispanicsor
blacks or Asians or women or homosexuals.
The egoistic aspect of philanthropy
and altruism helps explain why the small organizations that promote
white interests receive little support. There is no public approval
for supporters of white causes; in fact there is active disapproval
as contributors to David Dukes political campaigns have
discovered. Contributor lists are, by law, public documents, and
newspapers have published the names and addresses of Duke supporters.
Some were harassed or suffered professionally. Needless to say,
newspapers do not publish the names of people who give money to
Al Sharpton or Cruz Bustamante. Donations to pro-white organizations
do not raise social status; they lower it. They are therefore
a sincere expression of support rather than a tool for status-seeking
or social climbing.
A combination of Christian moralizing,
competitive altruism, and what appears to be a uniquely white
impulse to abandon healthy group loyalties can result in acts
of racial altruism that are simply astounding. Reginald Denny
became famous for cozying up to the thugs who nearly beat him
to death at the start of the Los Angeles riots in 1992. The parents
of Amy Biehl, who was murdered by black South Africans because
she was white, publicly embraced her killers and gave them jobs
at the foundation they set up to honor their daughter (see next
article). These acts won great admiration among liberals.
It is, of course, very hard to think
of examples of non-whites ever behaving this way, in any period
of history. Any ordinary non-white who openly forgave and embraced
a racial antagonist would be treated as a fool or a traitor by
The charity of American blacks,
for example, is almost always directed to black causes. As Emmett
D. Carson, who has written extensively on black charity, notes,
Our [black] giving was always centered around African-American
interests. Wealthy blacks like William Cosby, Oprah Winfrey,
Willie E. Gary, and the singer Brandy, donate to historically
black colleges and scholarships for black students. The spirit
of black philanthropy is summed up in the name of a panel at the
2003 Black North Carolina Conference: Black Philanthropy:
Are African-Americans Doing Enough to Support Each Other?
The question of non-black causes does not even arise.
The Culture of Altruism
The competitive struggle within
the American elite to appear virtuous now means displays of racial
altruism are an obligatory part of social climbing. David Brooks
describes the culture of contemporary affluence in Bobos in
Paradise: The New Upper Class and How it Got There. The bookstores
in the chic locales where the New Class rich gather are all the
same: you cant get the New Republic or anything
to its right, but you are guaranteed to find a large and
prominently displayed ethnic studies section, which
you can sample while listening to World Music.
The folk art of colonial victims
is the preferred décor of the homes of social strivers:
In fact, if you tour a super-sophisticated
home, you will see an odd mélange of artifacts that have
nothing in common except for the shared victimization of their
creators. An African mask will sit next to an Incan statue atop
a tablecloth fashioned from Samoan, Brazilian, Moroccan, or Tibetan
Mr. Brooks argues that 60s
radicalism has become an integral part of the business world.
Business is chic among wealthy bobos, but only because
every business now portrays itself as a social movement.
Cause capitalism and liberation marketing
are ubiquitous: in the bobo supermarket, you can save the
rainforest, ease global warming, nurture Native American values,
support family farms, spread world peace, and reduce income inequality
just by buying food. Successful businessmen wear Days of
Rage T-shirts while they exercise, thereby celebrating a
1969 spree of violence by student radicals who sympathized with
the Black Panthers. Nike uses the Beatles song Revolution
in its marketing. Business leaders . . . scream revolution
at the top of their lungs, like billionaire Abbie Hoffmans.
CEOs introduce corporate reports with quotations from Toni Morrison.
Capitalism now routinely sugarcoats the profit motive with layers
of moralistic affectation.
Mr. Brooks recognizes that romanticizing
colonial victims is an integral part of a kind of one-downmanship
status game. Celebrating the downtrodden is a way of showing that
one is compassionate and less materialistic than ones
For Mr. Brooks, the prototypical
bobo paradise is Burlington, Vermont, which he describes in detail.
There you will find plenty of pro-minority sentimentality but
few minorities. In fact, Burlington is 95 percent white, with
blacks and Hispanics each at less than one percent of the population.
Burlington confirms one of the great laws of American race relations:
the amount of sympathy whites feel for minorities is in inverse
proportion to their experience with them.
And this, of course, is why the
pro-minority component of competitive altruism is so attractive:
It is easy to reap the benefits while others pay the costs. Hillary
Clinton oozes love for blacks and Mexicans because she does not
live among them. Neither her daughter nor anyone she knows ever
had to go to school with them. When Edward Kennedy goes to the
beach at Hyannisport his afternoon will not be spoiled by a boatload
of scruffy Haitians. Astonishingly, what has become the cornerstone
of elite moralityon-tap enthusiasm for diversity and integrationneed
be nothing more than pure lip service. The hypocrisies run so
deep that, as Joseph Sobran has pointed out, in their mating and
migratory habits, liberals are indistinguishable from members
of the Klan.
Pro-minority altruism is like that
equally vital ingredient of superior morality, compassion.
Conveniently for liberals, compassion requires no
personal sacrifice, but consists in braying about all the generous
things government should be doingwith other peoples
moneyfor the downtrodden.
At the same time, part of the competition
to appear superior involves the search for foils and inferiors.
Hence the exuberant media campaigns against anyone like Patrick
Buchanan, Trent Lott, John Rocker, David Duke, or Jesse Helms.
Hence the attempts to withdraw tenure from academics like Philippe
Rushton, Michael Levin, and Linda Gottfredson who study racial
differences. Hence the sanctions against students who violate
campus speech codes. Once again, demonstrations of
superiority have no cost. The louder one yells about John Rocker
or Trent Lott, the more virtuous one appears, and the people who
yell the loudest are under no more pressure to live in black neighborhoods
than the ones who do not yell at all.
The Costs of Altruism
Of course, there is a cost to racial
altruism, though it is almost never borne directly by the people
who practice it most publicly. The Supreme Court justices who
ordered racial integration of schools in 1954 never suffered from
their ruling, nor is it likely their families did either. It was
working- and middle-class whites, who shared little of the altruistic
zeal of the justices, whose schools were wrecked. The same is
true of every aspect of the civil rights revolution.
The elites who insist on altruism have enough money to buy at
least temporary reprieve from the need actually to practice it.
The current fad of fawning over non-white immigrants works the
same way. Rich boosters get cheap labor and docile nannies. The
rest of us get crime, bad schools, and neighborhoods where we
are a despised minority.
This is why pro-minority
altruism is so attractive to our rulers: They reap
the benefits while others pay the costs.
In the long term, of course, the
costs of racial altruism will catch up even with the elites, one
way or another. White politicians who pander to Hispanics will
be badly disappointed, as Congressman Robert Dornan of California
discovered. He represented part of Orange County for 18 years,
as it gradually became more and more Hispanic. In 1995 he claimed
to an interviewer that he was not at all bothered by this change:
I want to say America stays a nation of immigrants. And
if we lose our Northern European stockyour coloring and
mine, blue eyes and fair hairtough!
The very next year, Hispanics voted
in Loretta Sanchez, the 36-year-old daughter of immigrants, who
kept telling voters how Mexican she was. This is precisely what
Mr. Dornans cheerful view of immigration should have prepared
him for, but did he concede defeat gracefully? No. He accused
Miss Sanchezs supporters of vote fraud, demanded recounts,
and was a thoroughly bad sport about it all. Suddenly, racial
altruism had a cost, and he screamed like a stuck pig.
For most white elites, justice will
not be quite so swift or poetic. As the tide of color rises, they
will have to spend more money to stay beyond its reach. Some will
catch themselves wondering if racial preferences didnt keep
little Johnny out of Harvard. Others will have a moment of pique
when the classical music station switches to salsa. A few will
even be mugged or murdered when they take the wrong freeway exit,
and actually meet some of the people they claim to love. Our rulers
and opinion-makers will have occasional brushes with the corruption,
squalor, and incompetence of Third-World America, but will use
their money to carve little oases of Western Civilization out
of the wreckageat least for a while.
Eventually, though, even they will
see the obvious: that the non-whites racial altruists bring to
power in America will not fritter away their gains in displays
of moral superiority the way we do. An America run by non-whites
will be a very different place; competitive racial altruism is
not a game non-whites play. Ordinary Americans discovered this
long ago, and must force their rulers to abandon habits and vanities
that will eventually destroy us all.
Ian Jobling holds a Ph.D. in
Comparative Literature and is the webmaster of the American Renaissance
website and a writer for American Renaissance magazine.
May 1992, Los Angeles was the scene of the worst rioting in the
United States since the New York draft riots of 1863. Blacks,
furious that the white policemen who had beaten Rodney King were
acquitted of criminal violence, went on a rampage that left 58
people dead and 5,300 buildings in ashes. One of the first victims
was Reginald Denny, a white truck driver who was in his rig in
the black part of town just when the verdict was announced. Two
blacks pulled him from his truck, beat him senseless, and smashed
his face with a fire extinguisher. Another ran up to stomp the
barely breathing man, and dance a little jig of glee. Doctors
said Mr. Dennys injuries were like those of someone in a
60-mile-per-hour car crash without seat belts. A fourth black
slipped up afterwards and stole the unconscious mans wallet.
Mr. Denny survived, but ten other whitesnine men and one
womandid not. The Denny attack became well known only because
it was caught on video by a helicopter journalist.
Reginald Denny gets
a chance to practice racial altruism.
Identified from the news footage,
Mr. Dennys four assailants went on trial later that year.
To many blacks, they were the heroic L.A. Four, and
supporters bought T-shirts demanding their release. A group called
Communities United to Free the L.A. Four managed to field 50 demonstrators
a day to protest outside the courthouse. Los Angeles gangs threatened
more riots if the men were convicted.
A jury of four blacks, four Hispanics,
two Asians and two whites voted to convict, but accepted the defense
theory that the attackers were caught up in mob fever. As one
of the black witnesses explained, [the defendants] seemed
just like anyone. Just like you and I. . . . They just got caught
up in the riot. I guess maybe they were in the wrong place at
the wrong time. In other words, if a black man sees other
black men hauling white people from their cars and thrashing them,
it would be too much to ask him to refrain from doing the same
thing. He is in the wrong place at the wrong time, and cannot
help himself. Mr. Dennys assailants got ten-year sentences
and were free in four.
Mr. Denny was in court for the trial,
making excuses as eagerly as anyone. He said his attackers must
have gone through an awful lot to do what they had
done to him, and approved the light sentences. He forgave the
men, and demonstrated his altruistic zeal by hugging the mothers
of two of the men who nearly killed him.
Five years later, Mr. Denny was
back in the news arguing that racism was to blame for his beating.
Had he finally woken up? No. He and three other whites who were
attacked during the riots had filed a $40 million suit against
the city of Los Angeles, claiming that police did not quell the
riots because they did not care what happened in the non-white
parts of town. Police racism therefore left them at
the mercy of angry blacks. Mr. Dennys convictions appear
to be unshakable.
Amy Biehl was a much more systematic
racial altruist and paid a higher price. She went to high school
in Santa Fe, New Mexico, where her father ran an art gallery of
modern American Indian art. I attended a large public high
school, she later wrote, where as an Anglo
I represented a small minority. My attempts to do well in school
and to win the acceptance of my Hispanic classmates often met
She felt none in return, however,
and as a student at Stanford became passionately committed to
ending white rule in South Africa. She went to Cape Town on a
Fulbright scholarship, and spent much of her time in black slums,
studying the sins of apartheid and sex discrimination.
On August 25, 1993, just a few days
before she was to return to the United States, she drove three
black friends back to their homes. Young blacks stopped the car,
pulled her out, and hit her in the face with a brick. She broke
away but they caught her and beat her to death as they shouted
the anti-white slogan one settler, one bullet. The
26-year-old died on the sidewalk pleading for mercy.
Seven blacks were charged in the
killing, but one disappeared and three others were released because
the main witness against them refused to testify for fear he would
be killed. Exultant supporters left the courthouse carrying the
three men on their shoulders. At a hearing for the remaining defendants,
blacks in the audience taunted whites, and giggled when Miss Biehls
wounds were described.
None of this mattered to Miss Biehls
parents, who attended court hearings. They publicly forgave the
killers and expressed sympathy for their families. They went on
to raise money for what they named the Amy Biehl Foundation, which
works to prevent youth-perpetrated violence in South Africa
and the United States. When their daughters killers
got out of jail in just a few years, they offered them jobs at
Most of the foundations work
is in South Africaschool programs, a driving range for poor
blacks, a string of bakeries that make Amys breadbut
it has also established something called the Prize for Humanity,
given to those who have risked their lives to protect others
of a different race or religion. The first presentation
was in 1999 at a Minnesota synagogue, in a ceremony that included
Native American Welcome and Prayer, an invocation
by US Army chaplain Abdul-Rasheed Muhammad, and a Tibetan blessing
by Gendun Kalsang and Lobsang Junje.
The foundation is devoted to the
life and memory of Amy Biehl, but its publicity materials are
vague about the circumstances of her death. One account of her
life says only this: [O]n August 25, 1993, Amy made her
transition from her eventful life on earth to an even larger life
of committed service to the under-served and to the hopeful.
In other words, her spirit of racial altruism lives on.
• BACK TO TOP • •
opposition to intermarriage.
reviewed by Thomas Jackson
Making Race in America
Pennsylvania Press 2002, 204 pp., $35.00.
hen antiracist authors
write about the past, their purpose is generally to reveal
the shameful bigotries of our ancestors. Southerners are their
favorite targets, but Miscegenation focuses on the
Northeast, and Elise Lemire, who teaches literature at Purchase
College, New York, certainly succeeds in demonstrating the
hostility of Northerners to race mixing in the period before
the Civil War. Her larger purpose, no doubt, is to point out
the wickedness of all whitesnot just the already sufficiently-reviled
Southern slave-ownersbut her research into a little-known
corner of race relations is very illuminating.
Her perspective, however, is
not. Prof. Lemire, who is married to a black, is one of those
silly moderns who think race is an invention: Even though
I dont always use scare quotes in this book in my references
to blacks, whites, and inter-racial
sex to indicate their socially constructed nature, they should
always be assumed. (Could she could bring herself to
tell the police a mugger was black?) Her book jumps awkwardly
from one subject to the next, but it successfully underscores
the intensity and persistence of the view that interracial
sex and marriage are, if not so loathsome as to as to require
prescription by law, certainly a sign of depravity.
Whites have, indeed, been repelled
by what they called amalgamation. At some point
in their histories, 44 of the 50 states had laws prohibiting
interracial marriage and sometimes fornication, with the first
such law being passed in 1661. Prof. Lemire suggests that
anti-miscegenationist feeling was stronger in the North than
in the South, and she writes of the shock with which Yankees
learned of close personal relations between Southern blacks
and whites, and of couplings between masters and slaves.
deem it no disgrace
With slaves to mend thy breed,
Nor let the wenchs smutty face
Deter thee from the deed.
It was Northern revulsion for
such couplings that gave such a raw edge to attacks on Thomas
Jefferson for allegedly siring children with his black slave
Sally Hemings. This is Prof. Lemires first subject,
and she argues that the controversy over these accusations,
which reached its height during the fall of 1802 and spring
of 1803, was the first widespread public discussion in America
Even before these accusations,
Jeffersons political enemies were attacking him for
the race-mixing potential of the all-men-are-created-equal
passage from the Declaration. In July 1802, a Federalist weekly
called the Port Folio, which would later have a field
day with the Hemings story, published a poem put into the
mouth of a fictional Jefferson slave named Quashee. It clearly
suggests the subversive potential of equality:
| Our massa Jeffeson he say,
Dat all mans free alike
Den tell me, why should
To tend de cow and hoe
Huzza for massa Jeffeson
And why should one hab
de white wife,
And me hab only Quangeroo?
Me no see reason for me
No. Quashee hab de white
Huzza for massa Jeffeson.
In September of that year, a
discontented office-seeker, James Callender, set off the Hemings
scandal when he wrote in the Richmond Recorder: By
the wench Sally our president has had several children
(he later claimed the total was five). That same month, he
described the national implications of rutting in the slave
[I]f eighty thousand white
men in Virginia followed Jeffersons example, you would
have FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND MULATTOES in addition to the present
swarm. The country would no longer be habitable, till after
a civil war, and a series of massacres. (Emphasis in
Back at the Port Folio,
poetasters made merry with the story. The weekly published
no fewer than ten verse attacks on Jefferson, some of them
viciously clever. Jefferson himself had written about the
odor of blacks[they] secrete less by the kidnies
[sic], and more by the glands of the skin, which gives them
a strong and disagreeable odorand several of the
poems worked this into the attack. One purports to be the
presidents own words:
|When pressd by loads
of state affairs
I seek to sport and dally,
The sweetest solace of my cares
Is in the lap of Sally. . . .
Shes black you tell megrant
Must colour always tally?
Black is loves proper hue for me -
And whites the hue for Sally. . . .
What though she by the glands secretes;
Must I stand shil-I shall-I?
Tuckd up between a pair of sheets
Theres no perfume like Sally. . . .
You call her slaveand pray were slaves
Made only for the galley?
Try for yourselves, ye witless knaves
Take each to bed your Sally. . . .
In another poem, Jefferson turns
into a black man, the better to romp with Sally.
|. . . And straight, by transformation strange,
From white to black his features change!
. . .
His jaw protrudes, his lip expands,
Pah! He secretes by all the glands:
His legs inflect: his stature shrinks,
And from his skin all Congo stinks:
Behold him now, by Cupid sped,
In darkness sneak to Sallys bed:
With philosophic nose inquire,
How rank the sable race perspire,
In foul pollution steep his life,
Insult the ashes of his wife:
All the paternal duties smother,
Give his white girls a yellow brother:
Mid loud hosannas of his knaves,
From his own loins raise a herd of slaves
. . . .
Another is entitled A
Philosophic Love Song to Sally, and includes the following
|If down her neck no ringlets
A fleece adorns her head
If on her lips no rubies glow,
Their thickness serves instead.
Thick pouting lips! How sweet their grace!
When passion fired to kiss them!
Wide spreading over half the face,
Impossible to miss them.
The Port Folio even published
a poem now thought to have been written by John Quincy Adams,
which takes the form of advice to Jefferson from his friend
|. . . Dear Thomas, deem it no disgrace
With slaves to mend thy breed,
Nor let the wenchs smutty face
Deter thee from the deed. . . .
All the poems dwell on Hemmings
blackness, and reflect Northern disgust at the idea of a white
man embracing her. The outcry even prompted satirical prints
of Jefferson as a philosophic cock, strutting
the walk with a black hen in the background.
Prof. Lemire suddenly leaves
Jefferson, however, for a rambling commentary on James Fenimore
Coopers The Last of the Mohicans, published in
1826. Her analysis consists of such things as counting the
number of times the hero Hawk-eye says I am a genuine
white or a man without a cross [no cross-breeding]he
reportedly does this 19 timesand arrives at the unsurprising
conclusion that Cooper disapproved of interracial sex.
Considerably more interesting
is Prof. Lemires account of anti-miscegenation activity
in the North during the 1820s and 1830s. She reminds us that
the easiest way to stir up opposition to abolitionists was
to claim they promoted black-white marriage. Only a few avowed
this publicly and many repeatedly expressed their disapproval
of miscegenation, but to no avail. For many opponents, the
mere fact that abolitionist meetings had mixed audiences of
blacks and whites was sufficiently disgusting to make any
charge believable. Only those abolitionists who firmly and
publicly linked their proposals to colonization outside the
United States were safe from the charge that what they really
wanted was race-mixing, or amalgamation. Prof. Lemire reports
that there were 165 anti-abolition riots in the North during
the decade of the 1820s alone, most prompted by allegations
that abolitionists were promoting inter-racial marriage.
The 1830s saw serious disturbances
as well. Beginning on July 4, 1834, New York City suffered
11 days of anti-abolitionist rioting, and levels of violence
not seen again until the anti-draft riots of 1863. Independence
Day had traditionally been celebrated with speeches and fund
raising by colonization societies, and there was some provocation
in choosing it as the day for the American Anti-Slavery Society
to read its Declaration of Sentiments to an audience that
press accounts called obnoxiously mixed. Rioters
broke up the meeting and attacked stores and homes owned by
known abolitionists. At first, not even the militia could
control the mobs, and quiet returned only after the American
Anti-Slavery Society issued a statement, the first item of
which was: We entirely disclaim any desire to promote
or encourage intermarriages between white and colored persons.
Philadelphia saw a serious riot
a few years later. Abolitionists had had trouble renting space
to hold meetings, so in 1838 they built their own building,
which they called the Pennsylvania Hall for Free Discussion.
It was the biggest, most expensive structure in the city,
and even before it was completed, one local paper called it
the Temple of Amalgamation, and another a
stately edifice, sacred to the cause of amalgamation.
Dedication ceremonies were to
last three days, and to include leading abolitionists. On
the evening of the second day, the well-known Angelina Grimké
addressed the audience. People threw bricks through the windows
and attacked several blacks as they left the building, but
did not riot.
On the third day, May 17, several
thousand angry Philadelphiansmany of high social standinggathered
outside the hall. The mayor was summoned, and is reported
to have said: We never call out the military here! We
do not need such measures. Indeed, I would, fellow citizens,
look upon you as my police! I look upon you as my police,
and I trust you will abide by the laws and keep order. I now
bid you farewell for the night. After he left, the mob
promptly burned the hall to the ground. Firemen arrived, but
only to make sure the blaze did not spread to other buildings.
After destroying the hall, the mob went to the part of town
where abolitionists lived, and burned down the Friends Shelter
for Colored Orphans and attacked a black church.
A police commission that investigated
the riot concluded:
It can be no surprise
. . . that the mass of the community, without distinction
of political or religious opinions, could ill brook the erection
of an edifice in this city for the encouragement of practices
believed by many to be subversive of the established order
of society, and even viewed by some as repugnant . . . .
Louisa May Alcott.
Prof. Lemire notes that less
than a year before, a Pennsylvania constitutional convention
had voted to keep the vote in the hands of white men only,
arguing that to incorporate them [blacks] with ourselves
in the exercise of the right of franchise, is a violation
of the law of nature, and would lead to an amalgamation in
the exercise thereof. Pennsylvania was thoroughly hostile
to any measure that might lead to social or sexual relations
between blacks and whites, and abolitionists often found that
the only way to avoid violence was constantly to assert their
opposition to miscegenation.
Prof. Lemire cites another example
of white racial feeling of the period: a novel published in
1835 by Jerome Holgate (18121893) called A Sojourn
in the City of Amalgamation in the Year of Our Lord 19.
It is set in the future in a time when whites think it their
duty to marry blacks in order to combat race prejudice. In
the novel no white ever marries a black for lovethat
would be impossiblebut out of political conviction.
One of the characters even drugs his daughter and forces her
to marry a black while she is unconscious.
The novel makes much of body
odor. In the City of Amalgamation, all whites carry machines
that neutralize the smell of blacks. If the machines break
down, whites start vomiting. Many whites valiantly train themselves
to endure the smell of blacks by sleeping with platters of
excrement next to their beds. Prof. Lemire does not tell us
how widely-read this novel was, but it was written by a Northerner
for a Northern audience.
It was common in the 19th century
to publish humorous prints, often with political messages.
Anti-abolition and anti-amalgamation prints were common, and
many referred to smells. Prof. Lemire reproduces one in which
a black hypnotist called Professor Pompey sits on the lap
of a white woman with his hand on her breast. She is only
partially under his spell and says, Oh, I seem to be
carried away into a dark wood where I inhale a perfume much
like that of a skunk. Another black standing nearby
says, Take care dar fessor Pompey! I hab some
notion arter dat young white Lady, myself.
By the end of the 1830s, prints
of interracial couples flirting and kissing were a common
form of anti-abolition propaganda designed to stir up disgust
for racial mixing. Even childrens books sometimes conveyed
this message, as in the print reproduced on the previous page
from the Boys Book of Fun.
Newspapers of the period reflected
the same views. In a July 7, 1843 account of a mixed-race
abolitionist meeting, the New York Times wrote, There
was a full and fragrant congregation . . . . Of the
same meeting, the Morning Courier and New-York Inquirer
reported that a hymn was chaunted with great fervour
as well as fragrancy by the Mesdames of the ladies of colours.
In an editorial the same year, the New-York Commercial
Advertiser made a more general statement: [The Creator]
endowed his creatures with the faculty of TASTE, accompanying
it with entire freedom of choice, thereby forming a
perpetual and insurmountable barrier to the execrable amalgamation.
(Emphasis in original.)
Prof. Lemire points out that
this was nevertheless a period during which there was considerable
agitation to overturn the 1705 Massachusetts law banning inter-racial
marriage. On Jan. 1, 1831, in the inaugural issue of the Liberator,
William Lloyd Garrison made the first public call to abolish
the ban. Proponents of colonization promptly accused Garrison
of wanting to marry a black, though no abolitionist is known
to have done so before the Civil War.
Prof. Lemire notes that the
Massachusetts movement against the ban was libertarian rather
than pro-black; its proponents made no secret of their distaste
for miscegenation, but believed people had a right to make
bad choices. John P. Bigelow, the primary lobbyist, called
marriage to a black the gratification of a depraved
taste, and the official text accompanying the new 1843
law stated, It is cruel, unjust and improper to . .
. punish that as a high crime, which is at most evidence of
vicious feeling, bad taste, and personal degradation.
Prof. Lemire writes that it was possible to change the law,
only because even proponents of the change believed good taste
would keep the races apart. This conviction arose, in part,
because abolitionists had been forced so frequently to forswear
amalgamation that by the 1840s the public began
to believe them.
Later, a few abolitionists did
openly promote miscegenation. In 1863, Louisa May Alcott,
best known for her childrens book Little Women,
published a short story called M.L. in the anti-slavery
magazine, Commonwealth, in which a white woman marries
a black man. Some of the force of her story is lost, however,
in that the black is the son of a quadroon and
passes for white. The heroine learns of his Negro ancestry
only after falling in love with him. Some abolitionists did
go considerably further, however. In the same year, abolitionist
Wendell Phillips wrote of that sublime mingling of races
which is Gods own method of civilizing and elevating
Ironically, the most widely
read pro-race-mixing document of the period was an anti-miscegenist
hoax! Late in 1863, two Democrats who opposed Lincolns
reelection published a 72-page pamphlet called Miscegenation:
The Theory of the Blending of the Races, Applied to the American
White Man and Negro. The two anonymous authors were New
York City journalists pretending to be Republican supporters
of the president. Lincoln had just issued the Emancipation
Proclamation, and they wanted to promote the idea that Republican
and abolitionist policies led directly to race mixing, for
which they proposed the term miscegenation. They
argued that amalgamation was an inappropriate, metallurgical
term, whereas a new coinage from the Latin (miscereto
mix, and genusrace) would express the idea
with which we are dealing.
The pamphlet had chapter titles
like The Blending of Diverse Bloods Essential to American
Progress, and insisted that [a]ll that is needed
to make us the finest race on earth is to engraft upon our
stock the negro element which providence has placed by our
side on this continent. In Miscegenation in the
Presidential Contest, they proclaimed that a vote for
Lincoln was a vote for miscegenation. When the President
proclaimed Emancipation he proclaimed also the mingling of
the races, argued the pamphlet. The one follows
the other as surely as noonday follows sunrise. For
those with reservations about this happy consummation the
authors provided a chapter called Miscegenetic Ideal
of Beauty in Women, in which they argued that ideals
of beauty were arbitrary and that fair-minded whites should
find blacks beautiful.
The pamphlet was wildly popular
among Democrats, who trumpeted it as a revelation of what
the dastardly Republicans really wanted. The new word caught
on immediately, and Democrats were soon referring to Lincolns
proclamation as the Miscegenation Proclamation.
In its discussion of the pamphlet,
the New York Times took deep offense at the idea that
whites should be encouraged to find blacks beautiful. It complained
that in the midst of a gigantic war, people should
not be writing all about the possibility of the whites
of this continent losing their admiration for their own women,
repudiating the standard of beauty furnished them by natural
instinct, and intermarrying with Negroes. The Times
went on to print a satirical story about whites reduced to
going through neighborhoods with tracts and plaster casts,
trying to demonstrate the superior beauty of whites in order
to keep them from marrying blacks.
Abolitionists were taken in
by the hoax just like everyone else, and some of the wilder
ones applauded it wholeheartedly. Angelina Grimké wrote
to the authors telling them that she and her sister Sarah
were wholly at one with the arguments in the pamphlet.
However, she raised a question of tactics: [W]ill not
the subject of amalgamation so detestable to many minds, if
now so prominently advocated, have a tendency to retard the
preparatory work of justice and equality which is so silently,
but surely, opening the way for a full recognition of fraternity
and miscegenation? Miscegenation was great stuff, but
talking about it openly might scare people.
Parker Pillsbury, editor of
the National Anti-Slavery Standard (official journal
of the American Anti-Slavery Society) wrote to the authors
that their pamphlet had cheered and gladdened a winter
morning. His paper printed a glowing review of the book,
agreeing with the authors that there will be progressive
intermingling and that the nation will be benefited by it.
A number of political cartoons
appeared, capitalizing on the popularity of Miscegenation.
One, printed in 1864, was called Miscegenation or the
Millennium of Abolitionism. In it, a black woman named
Dinah Arabella Aranintha Squash is being presented to Abraham
Lincoln who replies, I shall be proud to number among
my intimate friends any member of the Squash family, especially
the little Squashes. Since Miss Squash, in her words,
likes to gallevant round wid the white gemmen
and enjoys de hebenly Miscegenation times, the
little Squashes are likely to be mulattos. In the same cartoon,
a black man pleads to a white woman: Lubly Julia Anna,
name de day when Brodder Beecher [Rev. Henry Ward Beecher,
former editor of the abolitionist Independent] shall
make us one. She replies, Oh! You dear creatures.
I am so agitated! Go and ask Pa. Another print called
The Miscegenation Ball depicts black and white couples
dancing together and sitting on couches groping each other.
Shortly after Lincoln won reelection,
the authors of the pamphlet laid open claim to it, and their
triumph inspired imitators. Democrats circulated a Black
Republican Prayer, in which a Negro asks God to make
the blessings of Emancipation extend throughout our
unhappy lands and the illustrious sweet-scented Sambo nestle
in the bosom of every Abolition woman . . . . Amen.
Another Democrat posing as a
Republican wrote the 1864 pamphlet reproduced on the previous
page. Of the illustration on the cover, L. Seaman
The different shades of
complexion of the two contrast . . . beautifully and lend
. . . enchantment to the scene . . . . [T]he sweet, delicate
little Roman nose of the one does not detract from the beauty
of the broad, flat nose, with expanded nostrils, of the otherwhile
the intellectual, bold majestic forehead of the one forms
an unique though beautiful contrast to the round, flat head,
resembling a huge gutter mop, of the other. Probably
even Angelina Grimké would have realized this was satire.
Prof. Lemire ends her book with
the obligatory assertion that race is a mirage: The
idea that there is a special kind of sex that is inter-racial
is just as much a racist social fiction as the idea there
is something namable as miscegenation. But
what power this social fiction seems to have!
Prof. Lemire does not appear
to think it necessary ever to explain to readers why it was
wrong for generations of Americans to oppose miscegenation.
No doubt, in her circle, it is impossible even to imagine
anything so retrograde. Fortunately, healthy preferences persist
despite race-mixing propaganda. As recently as 1991, 66 percent
of whites were prepared to tell a pollster they would disapprove
if a close relative married a black. Probably even more would
disapprove, but were afraid to say so.
Interesting and heretical sentiments
come to light in the privacy of the voting booth. Like many
states, South Carolina and Alabama wrote prohibitions of miscegenation
into their constitutions. After the Supreme Court decision
of 1967, these bans were unenforceable, but the language remained.
In 1988 and 2000 respectively, voters in the two states went
to the polls, in accordance with the procedures required to
amend the state constitutions. Substantial minorities in both
states voted to keep the ban: 38 percent in South Carolina
and 41 percent in Alabama. Five of 47 South Carolina counties
voted to keep the ban, as did no fewer than 23 of 67 counties
in Alabama. There was no racial breakdown of the vote, but
it may be that close to half the white electorate may have
opposed rescinding the ban. As it so often does, published
opinion and respectable discourse completely ignore
the convictions of many millions of Americans.
It was, of course, opposition
to miscegenation that was at the heart of centuries of law,
custom, and sentiment that kept the races apart. The races
cannot now avoid contact, but where it matters most, whites
have not entirely forsaken the wisdom of their ancestors.
• • • BACK TO TOP • •
for Southern Africa
South African responds to an AR reader.
by W. James
In the August issue we
printed a letter from a reader criticizing AR for
reporting on the depredations of blacks in Zimbabwe, and
for pushing the line that the hate-whitey terrorists
are winning everywhere and there is nothing we can do to
stop them. This, he wrote, only
promotes the lie that our situation is hopeless. The
writer called for us to compare white attitudes to
Africa now with those of 30 years ago, pointing out
that whites no longer view despots like [Zimbabwe
president Robert] Mugabe with rose-colored glasses.
The editor of South Africas Impact Magazine
believes the writer raised some valid points, and offers
the following comments:
factors explain why atti-tudes towards Africa have changed
over the last 30 years. In the first place, the West has
wearied of the destructive antics of black despots, who
continue to demand aid; sympathy fatigue has
set in. Second, after the collapse of the Soviet system,
Africa found it could no longer play off the West and the
Soviets against each other for influence and aid. Furthermore,
for all his Western academic degrees, Mr. Mugabe has brought
about probably the most blatantly unjust situation in Africas
history, causing a socioeconomic catastrophe for his own
people as well. Some people say Mr. Mugabe is insane, but
he is really just another African upstart in a tight spot,
incapable of finding solutions.
The most important difference
since 30 years ago, however, is that publications like American
Renaissance are exposing the truth about Darkest Africa.
We at Impact Magazine are doing the same. The Internet
has been an additional factor.
One can agree with the letter
writer when he says, Now is not the worst time for
whites . . . and the best news is that whites around the
globe are putting aside their foolish differences and starting
to close ranks against . . . the Third World. This
is indeed true. It is called racial nationalism.
He goes on to write that whites
in southern Africa are certainly in severe danger,
and adds: Lets try to think of ways to help
them there or help them escape to new lives in places like
Australia, Canada, North Dakota. This is a generous
thought, and was tried by a British-South African endeavor
called Solidarity some years ago, though with little success.
Those outside southern Africa
have little idea of the real circumstances here. Zimbabwe
is not totally kaput. There is still some industry
and miningby whites of course. The white farmers have
been the hardest hit, but because they remember that it
was the British government (in league with Henry Kissinger
and the treacherous post-Verwoerd South African government)
that sold them out to terrorists like Mr. Mugabe, they are
loath to seek refuge in Britain. Most have found safe harbor
in neighboring African countries and are starting up farms
there. They are holding on to their Zimbabwe land titles,
since Mr. Mugabe could be on his way out, and there could
be an altogether new game soon.
Most South Africans who wanted
to leave South Africa have already done so, having found
jobs in dozens of other countries. Those who remain are
a tough and creative bunch, able to look after themselves.
South Africa is several times bigger than Zimbabwe, with
many more sub-races. It still has a white population of
over 4 millionmore than Norway. But here again, it
is the white farmers who bear the brunt: 1,400 have been
murdered since 1990; they are harassed by rustlers/poachers;
hemmed in by government restrictions and taxes; and in some
districts threatened with expropriation. But industry is
fairly stable and, in spite of government bribery and corruption,
the economy is in reasonable shape. Taxes95 percent
of which are paid by whites and Indiansare onerous,
and are resented because most of the revenue goes down the
The quality of life all depends
on location. In the Johannesburg/Pretoria area, and in big
cities like Durban and Cape Town, crime is bad. But elsewhere,
and in most country towns, life is not hell.
The schools are largely segregated, and where they are not,
pupils associate only with their own race. There is a lot
of home schooling. Television images of people of different
races living together are seldom a reality. At the formerly
white universities there have been serious racial incidents
in the residences when non-whites have been pushed in.
The biggest danger here is
the creeping Africanization known as transformation.
Like an aggressive parasite, it is using the structures
built by whites and sucking out the energy for its own advantage.
This parasite aims gradually to dispossess the creative
and innovative founders of this country. And it is here
that publications like American Renaissance and Impact
(and others around the world) perform their most valuable
function. This is the nexus where the enemy, claiming to
occupy the moral high ground, is exposed as a thief.
Most of the white South Africans
remaining in the country have never forsaken their racial
and national integrity. They realize they are more than
individuals. And they know that as surely as the sun will
rise tomorrow, matters will not remain as they are. Circumstances
change, and things are not hopeless. They know that without
a stubborn, irrational, heroic streak in their nature they
might as well never have been born.
W. James is editor of Impact
Magazine, Box 2055, Noorsekloof, ZA-6331 Jeffreys Bay,
• • •
BACK TO TOP • •
O Tempora, O Mores!
a lot to smile about.
The 70,000 mostly black and Hispanic
residents of Lynwood, California, earn on average just $9,500
per year, making their town one of the poorest in sprawling Los
Angeles County. Some of its part-time city councilmen, however,
are among the best-paid politicians in California. Though the
job officially pays $9,600 per year, Councilmen Louis Byrd and
Paul Richardsboth blackand Arturo Reyes each made
over $100,000 last year. They padded their salaries by serving
on city agencies, for which they received $900 per meeting, and
were paid to represent Lynwood at parades, sporting
events and other functions. We earned every penny of it,
insists Mr. Byrd.
The five-member council is not required
to show receipts for city credit card purchases, nor does it have
to get approval for out-of-town travel. Not surprisingly, in the
last six years, the council has cost Lynwood taxpayers more than
$600,000 in travel and credit card bills. Since 1998, Mr. Byrd
has cost the city $75,000, including $1,300 he charged to attend
the reunion of his black college fraternity. Mr. Richards has
billed taxpayers $80,000 since 1998. He spent $3,000 to stay in
upscale hotels near his home, and $14,000 on rental cars
(on top of his $500-a-month car allowance). The city also paid
for his stay at a beach resort in Ghana to foster trade
and cultural ties. Between them, Mr. Richards and Mr. Byrd
have made more than 90 out-of-town trips25 in just the last
two years. Los Angeles Mayor James Hahn, who governs the nations
second largest city, made just nine out-of-town trips in the last
Arturo Reyes billed the city for
a trip to Mexico City to attend the inauguration of Vicente Fox,
and also charged $1,152 in airline tickets for his wife. He says
he reimbursed the city, but has no proof. Former council member
Ricardo Sanchez went to Guadalajara in 1999 to attend a mariachi
festival. Other city councilmen have traveled to Bermuda, Puerto
Rico, and Puerto Vallarta, Mexico, on the city tab.
Lynwoods mayor, Fernando Pedroza,
was a harsh critic of council spending when he ran for office
in 2001, but quickly rose above his scruples. He quit his day
job, and has traveled at least seven times to Mexico. When asked
about charging the city for a dinner show featuring samba dancers
in Rio de Janeiro, he said he inadvertently pulled out the
wrong cardbut did belatedly reimburse the city.
Lynwoodians who know about the city
councils high life dont want to clean up the systemthey
want to cash in. No fewer than 16 people are running for two seats
in November. As Mr. Byrd, a 12-year council veteran who helped
establish the Lynwood kleptocracy, puts it, A whole lot
of people are running for the same thing, and none are going to
turn anything down. [Richard Marosi, Lynwood Council Members
Enjoy Lavish Perks and Pay, Los Angeles Times, Sept. 15, 2003.]
Helmuth Nyborg, a prominent scientist
at the University of Aarhus in Denmark, has set the country on
its ear by pointing out the obvious: Between 10 and 20 percent
of the population, who are at the lower echelon of society and
who cannot fill in a time sheet at work or who cannot hold down
a job or take care of their children, should not have children.
The debate has to be raised now because the trend is cause for
concern in Denmark, where we have an increasing number of problem
kids. He says intelligent women should have their workloads
reduced so they can devote more time to child-rearing and that
unintelligent women should be paid not to have children. We
are all aware of this problem, but we dont dare talk about
it, he says. But we should, for the sake of society
and the future, so that we can have productive citizens and not
people who need help. [Outcry Over Call to Curb Low IQ Children,
Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), Sept. 30, 2003.]
Medical researchers have long known
that blacks and whites differ in their susceptibility to certain
diseases and in responses to some medications. For example, black
women are more likely than white women to get aggressive forms
of breast cancer, are three to four times more likely to get lupus,
and are up to nine times more likely to develop uterine fibroids.
Blacks suffer from heart disease, diabetes and asthma at rates
much higher than whites, and are 60 percent more likely to be
Beta blockers, used to treat hypertension,
appear to lower blood pressure for three in five whites, but only
two in five blacks. Tamoxifen seems to work less well for black
than white women in preventing the recurrence of breast cancer.
NitroMed, a heart medication, seems to work for blacks but not
whites, so the company that makes it is conducting clinical trials
using only blacks.
Historically-black Howard Universitys
medical school will spend the next five years creating a biobank
to store the DNA of 25,000 blacks, which it will study to help
determine the genetic links between race and disease. Howard hopes
the National Institutes of Health will pay for much of the $18
million project, called GRAD (Genomic Research in the African
Diaspora), as part of the federal governments commitment
to eliminate racial disparities in disease rates by 2010. [Melissa
Healy, The Race Factor, Los Angeles Times, Sept. 8, 2003.]
The football team of Southern High
School in rural, downstate Stronghurst, Illinois, is called the
Rebels. After each touchdown, its mascotdressed as a Confederate
soldierruns through the end zone waving a battle flag. It
adopted the Confederate mascot in response to a rival schools
use of a Union soldier.
On Sept. 13, Southern was scheduled
to play the Longwood campus of the Chicago International Charter
School, a nearly all-black high school from the South Side of
Chicago. Early that week, Southern coach Scott Dillard called
his Longwood counterpart, Bill Ham, to ask him if the ritual would
bother his team. Coach Ham, who is white, says he was horrified
by the custom, as were his players. They kind of looked
at me, and a few had their mouths open. This cant really
be true, he says. Acceding to the wishes of his players,
Coach Ham forfeited the game, even after Coach Dillard told him
the school would not use the flag. Coach Ham says he was afraid
Southern supporters would make racist comments to his team.
Chances are Southern will have to
give up the flag and the mascot. Illinois High School Association
(IHSA) Executive Director Marty Hickman condemned the school and
applauded Longwoods decision to forfeit. He says the IHSA
is considering punishing Southern. Coaches from other predominantly
black schools that play Southern are piling on, saying they will
demand Southern ban the flag. [Barry Temkin, Confederate Flag
Leads to Prep Football Game Forfeit, Chicago Tribune, Sept. 13,
A white Zimbabwean farmer reports
on what used to be his land:
On our occupied farm, the
borehole has been destroyed so theres no piped water any
more. The solar water panels and tanks have been stolen and the
huge water reservoir stands permanently empty. Most of the huge
gum tree plantations have been felled for firewood. The dairy
no longer sees cows with udders heavy with milk, but only lines
of clothes hung up to dry on the milking stalls. The tobacco barns
are derelict: doors, flues, furnace covers and bricks are being
stolen. A handful of huts are dotted in the fields and next to
them stand little patches of scraggly, yellowing maize plants
which may feed a family for a few weeks at the most. The people
there are hungry, the children beg from the kitchens of a nearby
boarding school, and the adults queue up for World Food maize,
beans and oil. In the main, the 1,000 acres of our farm is a neglected
wasteland, the fields empty except for a few painfully thin cattle
which are never dipped, dewormed, or de-horned.
Over the road, on what was
only one year ago a thriving beef and chicken producing farm,
there is absolutely nothing going on. A local village chief has
moved into the once-beautiful house and there he lives entirely
alone. He has not held out his hand to his fellow villagers, nor
does he allow the villagers to graze their cattle there. Nothing
whatsoever is being grown or produced on the land and slowly the
bush is reclaiming the cattle dip and chicken runs.
These two farms employed two
dozen people, and produced milk, timber, beef, lamb, wool, chickens,
eggs, fruit and vegetables for the town of Marandera and paid
out millions of dollars in telephone and electricity charges,
road rates, drought and Aids levies, stock feed and farming equipment.
Now, nothing is produced for sale, no one gainfully employed,
nothing comes onto or goes off the farms, and there is no more
running water. [A Day in the Life . . . , Impact Magazine
(South Africa), August/September 2003, p. 5.]
The collapse of agriculture has
virtually destroyed Zimbabwes economy. Four million peopleone
third of the populationare on the brink of starvation in
what was once a major food exporter. Seventy percent of Zimbabweans
are unemployed, and inflation is officially running at 365 percent
per year. With black market price gouging, the actual rate is
closer to 700 percent. The government cant print enough
money to keep up with rising prices, and blames the cash shortage
on hoarding. [Angus Shaw, Currency Shortage Latest Crisis to Hit
Zimbabwe, AP, July 31, 2003.]
People are so poor they cannot afford
to bury dead relatives. With more than 5,000 people a week dying
of AIDS, and a rising overall mortality rate, Zimbabwe has no
place to put the corpses. The morgue at Harare Central Hospital
was designed for 164 corpses; it now holds nearly 600, with bodies
piled on top of each other everywhere. Cremation would help, but
Harares one crematorium ran out of fuel for its furnaces
last June. [Angus Shaw, Full Morgues Reflect Zimbabwes Plight,
AP, Aug. 10, 2003.]
Unlike many of their countrymen
and Asian neighbors, the citizens of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, frown
on eating dogs. Until recently, diners had to ask quietly for
special meat or jogging cow in restaurants.
Phnom Penh governor Kep Chuktema thinks a change in diet would
solve the citys burgeoning stray dog problem. Come
on, dog meat is so delicious, he says. The Vietnamese
and Koreans love to eat dog meat. Cambodians, he adds, dont
have wine, but poor people can enjoy their dog meat with palm
juice wine. [Eat More Dogs, Cambodians Urged, Reuters, Sept.
We reprint the following news item:
DENVERA federal appeals court
has decided that a New Mexico churchs use of hallucinogenic
tea is likely to be protected under freedom of religion laws.
The 10th Circuit Court of Appeals
in Denver upheld a preliminary injunction against the US attorney
general, Drug Enforcement Administration, and other government
agencies that sought to prohibit use of hoasca tea by Brazils
O Centro Espirita Beneficiente Uniao do Vegetal church, whose
US operations are based in Santa Fe, N.M.
The appeals court agreed with a
lower court that the church has shown substantial likelihood of
success in winning exemption for sacramental use of the tea, which
contains a drug from plants found in the Amazon River basin and
barred by the Controlled Substances Act. [Hallucinogenic Tea May
Get Religious Exemption, Los Angeles Times, Sept. 13, 2003.]
In Rochester, New York, during a
broadcast, WHAM radio talk show host Bob Lonsberry compared Mayor
William Johnson, who is black, to an orangutan. Mr. Lonsberry
isnt being fired but may wish he had been. He was suspended
from broadcasting for a week, had to apologize publicly, and must
undergo diversity training. [Lonsberry to Take Training,
Democrat and Chronicle (Rochester), Sept. 26, 2003, p.1B.]
Israel has an estimated 300,000
foreign workersmostly from China, Thailand, the Philippines,
Turkey, Romania and Africaonly a third of whom have work
permits. With the country in a three-year recession and unemployment
at 10.6 percent, the government wants them out. Industry, Trade
and Labor Minister Ehud Olmert says, The damage caused by
foreign workers to the Israeli economy is greater than any other
damage, and Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu calls them
a cancer. The government is serious. It has started
raiding the homes of people who hire illegal foreign household
helpand broadcasting the raids on television.
Illegals are getting the message:
60,000 have voluntarily left Israel during the year, far more
than the 17,000 who have been deported. Our target till
the end of the year is to have 80,000 leave, says spokesman
Rafi Yaffa. The government of Ariel Sharon is ignoring protests
from human rights groups, and fines people who knowingly
hire illegals. [Tova Cohen, Recession-Hit Israel Expelling Foreign
Workers, Reuters, Sept. 16, 2003.]
Last year, Sandy Trammel, who is
white, taught fourth grade at overwhelmingly black West Riviera
Elementary School in Riviera Beach, Florida. West Rivieras
scores on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test (see AR, July
2003) were so bad the school was rated F. Mrs. Trammels
class was typical: Of her 20 students, only three read at grade
level and four couldnt read at all. During the year, Mrs.
Trammels students improved so dramatically she won $10,000
for helping West Riviera move from F to C.
The school district made her a peer assistance teacher,
who was to help colleagues improve their teaching. The Palm
Beach Post featured Mrs. Trammel in a big story in June.
Blacks didnt like the hoopla.
As a former West Riviera student wrote in a letter to the Post,
they thought the story painted a picture of the Great
White Hope coming to save poor dumb black children.
Mrs. Trammels first peer teaching
assignment was to be in another black Riviera Beach school, but
when she showed up in September, Principal Beverlyann Barton,
who is black, told her to go away. Miss Barton insists the problem
was not with Mrs. Trammel, but with the three-month-old
Palm Beach Post story about her. The article about
West Riviera framed the city in a negative light, she says,
adding that because of her portrayal in the article, Mrs. Trammel
would poison the school environment, and the other teachers would
not be able to work with her. [Mary Ellen Flannery and Kimberly
Miller, Riviera School Turns Teaching Coach Away, Palm Beach Post,
Sept. 13, 2003.]
The town of Cayce, South Carolina,
is a working-class suburb of Columbia. It is 75 percent white,
23 percent black, has a strong religious community, little crime,
and a low cost of living. Its just the sort of place Richard
Robinson, a Baptist preacher and refugee coordinator, thinks would
be perfect for the 120 Somali Bantus scheduled to begin arriving
in South Carolina this fall.
He settled on Cayces Pinewood
apartment complex, where a two-bedroom unit rents for $399 a month,
and then informed the locals. A school district official, Ann
Malpass, began circulating a flyer in which she accurately described
the Somalis as a primitive, tribal people and encouraged
residents to attend a city council meeting to discuss resettlement.
More than 250 showed up, and applauded when the mayor, city council
members and the local state senators all said they opposed resettlement.
The people of Cayce say Somalis will consume social services and
burden their schools. They worry the Somalis will bring diseases
and tribal customs, including female mutilation. Rev. Robinson
was aghast. It was like a lynch mob, he says.
Rev. Robinson agreed to cut the
number of Somalis by half after school officials pointed out they
already have 200 Hispanic students who can barely read, and do
not want any more illiterates. I still think 60 [Somalis]
is too many, says Mayor Avery Wilkerson, but he cant
keep them out. He says the city will keep an eye on the Pinewood
apartments to make sure occupancy restrictions are observed. Rev.
Robinson says he hopes the town will eventually realize what a
wonderful thing it is to live with Somalis. This is an opportunity,
he says. A calling. [Peter St. Onge, No Welcome Mat
in Sight, Charlotte Observer, Aug. 3, 2003, p. 1A.]
Governor Gray Davis of California,
who may well be out of a job by press time, has come in for considerable
media scrutiny. The New York Times recently drew attention
to the following line he delivered at a public appearance: My
vision is to make the most diverse state on earth, and we have
people from every planet on the earth in this state. It
was only the verbal bungling at the end of the sentence that interested
the Times. The criminal bungling of destroying a successful
European society went unremarked. [Dean E. Murphy, Twists and
Turns of Recall Leave Voters Fatigued, New York Times, Sept. 21,
The federal government uses a skill
level/pay grade system to classify civil service employees. For
example, GS-03 workers typically perform clerical duties, while
GS-07 positions are considered professional, and generally
require a college degree. The GS-9 and above ratings usually require
considerable experience and/or an advanced degree. The highest
civil service rating, GS-15, is for top-level management bureaucrats.
An AR reader who works for the Social
Security Administrations Office of Hearing and Appeals,
headquartered in Washington, DC, recently filed a Freedom of Information
Request, asking for the racial breakdown by pay grade in his office.
Here are the results:
Whites outnumber blacks only at
the highest grades, and this is not likely to last much longer.
It is, of course, prima-facie evidence of discrimination, and
as senior-level whites retire, blacks will replace them. [Response
to Freedom of Information Request, Social Security Administration,
August 5, 2003.]
As housing prices in goodthat
is to say whiteNew York neighborhoods climb, some whites
are moving into black areas where housing is cheaper. Many blacks
fear gentrification will destroy the character of
their neighborhoods and force out black-owned businesses.
Historically, we have had
to fight to integrate certain neighborhoods, and when we moved
in, white folks moved out, says Karlena Byers, a black teacher.
Now that white folks are getting priced out of their neighborhoods,
they want to move into our neighborhoods. I have a problem with
that. Look at Harlem, she adds. All of
125th Street practically looks like a commercial shopping center
to me. Fort Greene is not the neighborhood I used to know and
love. Its so glitzy now.
Andrew Witherspoon of Harlem, who
recently inherited a brownstone, says he wont sell it: Were
not just going to relinquish this property over to some white
developers who will continue to gentrify this neighborhood. We
have to stay. In black neighborhoods all over New York,
activists are urging residents, especially old people, not to
sell. They pass out anti-white flyers that say, Once this
community leaves Black, it aint ever going back.
Many of the whites gentrifying Harlem
are from France, Italy and even Russia. I think [the immigrants]
have a fascination with Harlem, says real estate agent Belinda
Hardin. Annie Merkowitz explains that there is a whole group
of white people like myself who really want to live in black neighborhoods
not simply because the housing is cheaper but because we enjoy
black culture. Miss Merkowitz, who is renovating a rundown
brownstone, sympathizes with her neighbors fears of gentrification.
I understand that suspicion, she explains, but
I am here because I love this neighborhood. [Jamal E. Watson,
The Whitening of Black Neighborhoods, Chicago Standard News, July
17, 2003, p. 1.]
the Back Door
The latest Europeans.
Goa, on the west Indian coast, was
a Portuguese colony from early in the 16th century until December
1961, when India forced out the Portuguese. Under Portuguese law,
the people of Portuguese IndiaGoa and the surrounding
enclaves of Damao and Diuwere citizens of Portugal. After
India seized the colony, thousands of Indians left for Portugal
or its African colonies, but many more stayed behind. Now that
the European Union allows its citizens to live anywhere within
the union, Goans who lived under Portuguese rule, along with their
descendents, are claiming Portuguese citizenship.
Sure, Ill go to LisbonI
have eight cousins there, says Stuart Fernandes, a boat
mechanic applying for a passport at the Portuguese consulate in
Goa. But then I will go straight to London. His friend
Glaston Luis also plans to visit cousins in Lisbon before heading
to Scotland or London.
The colonial-era archives in Goa
are bad, and Portuguese officials have a hard time checking the
identities of people who apply for passports. Fraud is common,
and newspapers are full of ads from people claiming to be experts
in Portuguese passport applications. Its a business,
as if Portuguese citizenship is for sale, says Portugals
consul in Goa, Miguel de Caheiros Velozo. It is a way to
go around immigration laws. [James Brooke, Indians
Entrée to Europe is a Portuguese Passport, New York Times,
June 8, 2003, p. 10.]
The most crowded big city in the
United States is not Los Angeles or New York, but Santa Ana, California.
Average household size is 2.8 in Los Angeles, and 2.6 in New York,
but 4.6 in Santa Ana. The citys population grew more than
50 percent in the last 20 years, thanks mostly to illegal immigrants.
Many live in squalid, overcrowded, unsafe buildings, but immigration
advocates denounced enforcement of building and density codes
as racist, and tied up the city with lawsuits. Santa Ana now has
half as many building inspectors as it did in 1984, and enforces
codes only half-heartedly.
Mexico now, Santa Ana
Immigrants cram into any space they
can find. Gloria Valadez lives with her daughter and six grandchildren
in a ramshackle, rented two-bedroom house. They sublet one bedroom
to a family of three and the other to a family of five. Sixteen
people live in her 950-square-foot home, which is one of four
on a one-third acre lot. The neighbors also sublet, for a total
of 42 people in four houses. Before the city forced people out
of the garages, the number was 55.
The fire department worries about
the fire hazards of cramped living, and the health department
worries about mice, rats and other vermin. Crime goes up in very
dense housing, and when children live with strangers they are
much more likely to be molested and abused.
Third-World immigrants dont
seem to mind. Alejandro Faustino, one of Gloria Valadezs
tenants, came from Mexico with his pregnant wife nine months ago.
We couldnt ask for more, he says. We feel
really lucky to have this and to have the chance to get ahead
here. [Jennifer Mena, In Housing Density, Its Too
Close for Comfort, Los Angeles Times, Sept. 13, 2003.]
From 1976 to 1988, the black/white
gap in standardized test scores narrowed, leading some to predict
that in a generation it would disappear. They were wrong; since
1988 the gap has widened again. In 1976, the difference in average
combined scores was 240, a number that narrowed to 189 points,
a significant drop. However, by 2002, the difference in average
scores was back up to 203 points: 1060 for whites and 857 for
blacks. Blacks get worse scores than any other group, including
Puerto Ricans and Eskimos. Eskimos average about 100 points higher
It is common to argue that family
income drives SAT scores, and that the racial gap is explained
by black/white wealth differences. However, in 2002, whites from
families with incomes below $10,000 had average test scores 46
points higher than blacks from families with incomes between $80,000
and $100,000. Blacks from families with incomes greater than $100,000
had averages scores 142 points lower than whites from equally
There are very few blacks among
the ranks of the highest scorers. In 2002, 122,683 blacks took
the test9.2 percent of all test-takersbut only 838
(one percent of all test-takers) scored 700 or higher on the math
SAT and only 822 (1.4 percent) scored that high on the verbal
test. Whites were seven times more likely than blacks to score
700 or better on the verbal, and nine times more likely to score
700 on the math parts of the test. Admission to one of the countrys
most selective colleges requires scores of 750 or better. Whites
were ten times more likely than blacks to score that high on the
verbal test, and 11 times more likely on the math test. In the
entire country, only about 200 blacks got scores that high on
either test. Under affirmative action, about six percent of the
50,000 students admitted to the top 25 schools every year are
black. Without preferences that figure would drop to under one
The same race differences appear
in scores for the American College Testing (ACT) Program. In 2002,
87 percent of white test-takers scored at or above the median
score for blacks. Whites are 11 times more likely than blacks
to score at the levels required by the most demanding universities.
Given the disparity in numbers, there are approximately 50 times
as many whites as blacks who qualify for the top schools. [The
Expanding Racial Scoring Gap Between Black and White SAT Test
Takers, Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, Sept. 3, 2002.]
Shortly after the fall of the Alamo
in 1836, Mexican troops under the command of Gen. Jose de Urrea
defeated a force of Texans under the command of Col. James Fannin
at the Battle of Coleto Creek near Goliad, Texas. The Texans surrendered,
believing they would be treated as prisoners of war. Instead,
the Mexicans marched the 300 or so survivors to Goliad and shot
them. The incident became known in Texas history as the Goliad
Massacre, and was memorialized in the cry, Remember the
Alamo! Remember Goliad!
Mexicans resent the term massacre.
With Goliad now half Hispanic, they insist execution
is more culturally sensitive and historically accurate. The Texans,
they say, were foreigners in rebellion against a legitimate government.
Would we be surprised today, asks author Andres Tijerina,
if the US government executed a group of pirates or terrorists
. . . who were found operating on American soil?
Emelio Vargas, an assistant principal
at Goliads elementary school, agrees: For so long
in Texas history classes its been drilled into us that the
Mexicans were the demons and Anglos the enlightened heroes. On
this point, were no longer going to accept it without a
fight. Many Anglos, says Benny Martinez of the Goliad chapter
of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), still
hate Mexicans and using massacre is a subtle way for
them to express it.
Ron Tyler, a history professor at
the University of Texas and president of the Texas State Historical
Society, thinks massacre is the appropriate term. Those
men might have fought to the death if they thought their lives
would not have been spared, he says.
One of Goliads newest residents,
Indian hotel owner Rajesh Bhakta, doesnt understand what
the fuss is all about. No wonder our town is not growing,
he complains. Who wants to invest in a place with all this
unseemly fighting over long-ago affairs? [Simon Romero,
War of Words Divides Residents of Texas Town, New York Times,
July 19, 2003.]
In early September, the New York
City media went into a frenzy when a group of white teen-agers
on Staten Island attacked a black girl and yelled racial slurs.
In the midst of white breast-beating it came to light that slurs
are shouted all the time, and that whites are hardly the only
ones shouting them. Later that same month, in a single weekend,
there were no fewer than eight incidents reported to police, with
plenty of black and Hispanic slur-shouters. I think if there
is any good news, says Mayor Michael Bloomberg, there
does not seem to be a pattern here. It doesnt seem to be
directed against one group. [Stephanie Gaskell, Throw Book
at All Bias Thugs: Mike, New York Post, Sept. 23, 2003.]
The mayor is wrong. There is a pattern
here. Racial diversity is a failure and no one likes it.
Eight states offer specialty license
plates honoring the Sons of Confederate Veterans (SCV): Alabama,
Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, North and South Carolina,
and Virginia. John W. Adams of Florida wants his state to be the
ninth. Florida already offers 54 specialty plates and has another
40 waiting to be issued. A portion of the surcharge on the plates
goes to the organization behind them.
The SCV wont find any support
from Republican Gov. Jeb Bush. Spokesman Jacob DiPietre says,
the governor is adamantly against the SCV plates.
In 2001, Gov. Bush took down the Confederate flag that had flown
at the state capitol since the late 60s, saying he wanted
to avoid trouble. [Rebel Flag License Plate Proposed, AP, Sept.
Census analysts note that 100 years
ago, the 20 most popular given names for blacks were virtually
the same as those for whites. Divergence began in the 1960s, and
now there is scarcely any racial overlap in the most popular names.
It has become easy to pick out many blacksand even some
whitesjust from their first names. DeShawn and Shanice (see
AR, Sept. 2003, for some unusual black names) are almost exclusively
black, while only whites name their children Cody or Caitlin.
One study of 16 million births in California between 1960 and
2000 found that more than 40 percent of the names given to black
girls were not given to a single white girl born in the same year.
[Justin Pope, Black Parents Torn Over Ethnic Names, AP, Sept.
Perhaps the country needs a new
word for what happens when assimilation goes into reverse. Dissimilation
might do the job.
The following excerpts from a letter
were reprinted in an advice column in an Islamic newsletter:
I am 27 years old, unmarried
and of [X-ed out] origin. My family has looked for a suitable
husband for me for quite some time. I have a dark complexion,
and for people from [X-ed out] this is not considered beautiful.
In fact, my friends and acquaintances who are light in complexion
(and considerably less attractive than me) are married. All of
my life this situation has bothered me. I have low self-esteem
because of it.
Only non-Muslim men (Caucasians
to be specific) have ever seemed attracted to me. It seems that
most Muslim men prefer fair skin. Even the ads I see on the Muslim
marriage sites and in magazines say Fair Girl Wanted.
The letter is signed Dark
and Lonely. [Ask Auntie Hakima, The Muslim Link (College
Park, Maryland), August 2003, p. 15.]
Blacks are 50 percent of the population
of Brazil, but only two percent of college students. Activists
pressured the government into reserving 40 percent of admissions
for blacks and mixed-race pardos, and 50 percent for public
high school graduates (the largely white upper classes go to private
schools). This year, the first for preferences, more than half
of the 5,000 students admitted to the prestigious State University
of Rio de Janeiro got in under a quota. Unlike the United States,
Brazil does not yet appear to have grading quotas: Nearly 40 percent
of blacks and pardos have already dropped out.
Whites fought the quotas with more
than 300 lawsuits, and pressured the legislature. Last March,
it voted to narrow the quotas for 2004-2005, reserving just 20
percent of admissions for blacks, 20 percent for public school
graduates, and five percent for cripples and Indians. Pardos
will get no preferences.
Blacks in the ruling leftist Workers
Party want strict quotas for everything from government hiring
to television commercials. President Luiz Inacio Lula de Silva
agrees, saying, Its a blatant fact that blacks earn
the lowest levels of income, have less schooling and the worst
jobs, and make up more than their share of the unemployed.
Mr. da Silva is trying to reduce black unemployment single-handedly.
He appointed Brazils first black Supreme Court justice,
created a Special Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality,
and has more blacks in his cabinet than any other Brazilian president.
[Hector Tobar, A Racial Quake in Brazil, Los Angeles Times, Oct.
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| L E T T E R S
F R O M R E A D E R S
SirIn his article on altruism
(Part I) in the October issue, Ian Jobling makes some interesting
and useful points; I look forward to reading Part II. However,
I would like to reply to three criticisms he makes of Prof. Kevin
MacDonalds work on Jews and their influences on Western
1. Jews are too small a percentage
of the population to have had the effects some claim. This argument
is strange, since human history is full of individual men who
rose to power, led nations, conquered empires, and changed the
course of history. If individuals can be so influential, then
certainly a cohesive, intelligent, focused and internationally
distributed ethnic group can also be influential. What is important
is not Jewish numbers, but Jewish power and influence, which are
2. Even if Jews have done all the
things Prof. MacDonald claims, it is still true that it is white
gentiles who have done much of the hands-on, direct
destruction of our race and civilization. They pass anti-white
laws, promote immigration, etc. This is true, but confuses the
issue of necessary vs. sufficient. No
one claims Jews alone were or are sufficient to destroy white
racial consciousness; however, they have been a necessary ingredient.
Would white gentiles have taken so many racially destructive actions
if left to themselves? Various biological processes that have
the theoretical potential to take place on their own require enzyme
catalysts in order to do so. I believe Prof. MacDonalds
work is consistent with the idea that anti-white, anti-Western
Jewish activism has been the catalyst in our decline.
3. Prof. MacDonald has not indicated
why white gentiles are susceptible to Jewish influence. This is
not true. For example, Prof. MacDonalds essay What
Makes Western Culture Unique in the Summer 2002 issue of
The Occidental Quarterly describes in detail differences
between Jews and European-derived gentiles that make it easier
for the former to manipulate the latter.
Obviously, there is disagreement
among AR readers and contributors about these questions. However,
I believe Prof. MacDonalds work should not be dismissed
in a few sentences.
Michael Rienzi, Boston, Mass.
SirIt was worth the price
of an AR subscription to read Ian Joblings Competitive
Altruism and White Self-Destruction, because his article
focuses on the real problemthe white community. As much
as we might want to blame non-whites for todays anti-white
sentiment, the white elite must take its share of the blame.
It makes sense to me that white
benevolence towards blacks should be a manifestation
of post-60s social climbing. It also makes sense that lawyers
should support greater opportunities to bring anti-discrimination
lawsuits, and that the Democratic Party should favor racial policies
that win 90 percent of the black vote. Anti-racist
attitudes can be an expression of white self-interest.
My perspective on race relations
is partly a result of being a landlord with mostly black tenants.
I live next door, and deal frequently with my tenants. As an inner-city
landlord, I am aware of church efforts to push for government
funding of affordable housing. I have found these
advocacy groups are largely uninterested in working with actual
landlords in poor neighborhoods. Their real agenda seems to be
revitalizing suburban congregations. I think their anti-white
attitudes may be a product of the new suburban Christianity,
in which clergymen make their congregations feel guilty for having
fled the cities to escape blacks. This is called afflicting
the comforted, and competitive altruism may play a role.
My experience with blacks has not
stopped me from running for office and raising racial issues in
unapproved ways. I ran for the US Senate last year in the Independence
Party primary, carrying a sign that called for dignity for
white males. Despite a news blackout from Minnesotas
largest newspaper, my campaign attracted nearly one third of the
vote, statewide. I published a book about that experience and
am now seeking the Democratic Party nomination for president with
much the same platform.
As Dr. Jobling points out, since
the civil rights movement, altruism towards blacks has been the
highest form of altruistic expression for white social climbers.
Whether white elites can continue to milk their positions for
money and prestige, and still retain the political support of
black people is questionable. Whites evidently have a higher tolerance
for hypocrisy and deceit.
William McGaughey, Minneapolis,
SirIn her letter to the editor
in the October issue, Elizabeth Tate wrote that while Northerners
may find the September cover story, Urban Law 101,
amusing, she thought it in poor taste. I am a Northerner of unreconstructed
Copperhead descent and I found Donald Williamsons article
not amusing but edifying. Goofy things blacks do?
Let us try bizarre, fanciful, grotesque, preposterous and chimericalgoofy
is too, too mild. Thanks also for printing the October O
Tempora, O Mores! item from the Sears advertisement. I have
been waiting for years for someone to point out the racial abuse
and humiliation whites suffer in modern advertising.
Steve J. Medve, Canton, N.Y.
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